HABTAMU NINI ABINO
Wednesday, July 9, 2025
Authentic Leadership: Inspiring Others, Not Commanding Them
Tuesday, July 8, 2025
Sababoota Ijoo Aangoo Seeraan ala Fayyadamuu.
Good Governance in Ethiopia – Reflections from a Diaspora Returnee
Good Governance in Ethiopia – Reflections from a Diaspora Returnee
The candid testimony of a diaspora member recently returned from Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) offers a sobering, ground-level assessment of Ethiopia’s governance landscape. Their insights provide a microcosm of the broader systemic dysfunction that undermines democratic institutions, development, and public trust in the Ethiopian state. Several key themes emerge from their account, aligning with scholarly critiques of Ethiopia’s persistent governance crisis.
1. Erosion of Social Trust and Public Morale
The observation that "everyone seems afraid of each other" and that there is "no absolute unity" underscores a significant deficit in social cohesion. Societies suffering from poor governance often see a breakdown in interpersonal trust, especially in ethnically and politically polarised environments. In Ethiopia's case, this fragmentation is partly a byproduct of ethnic federalism, unresolved political tensions, and elite competition, resulting in a society where even neighbours regard each other with suspicion.
Implication: When governance fails to promote inclusivity and equitable service delivery, citizens retreat into group identities—often defined by ethnicity, political alignment, or class—rather than engage in collective nation-building.
2. Clientelism and Clique Politics
The diaspora observer notes that “everything seems to revolve around cliques,” where access to opportunity is determined by merit and affiliation. This clientelist structure corrodes both democratic ideals and development potential. When advancement hinges on being in the “right group,” institutions lose credibility, and corruption thrives.
Implication: In such a system, governance is no longer about public service but patronage, favouring loyalty over competence and undermining accountability mechanisms.
3. Performative Progress and the Illusion of Reform
The diaspora's reflections highlight a disconnect between rhetoric and reality. While some diaspora returnees are paraded as symbols of Ethiopia’s renaissance, these interactions serve as performative exercises rather than substantive inclusion. They speak of a pseudo-reform narrative pushed by the state, designed more for image management than genuine transformation.
Implication: This staged governance creates what political theorists call “façade institutions”—structures that appear functional and modern but lack the internal logic, independence, or legitimacy to serve the public effectively.
4. Pervasive Corruption and Institutional Decay
“Corruption is everywhere,” the observer says, and even routine bureaucratic tasks require bribes. This speaks to a chronic breakdown in institutional integrity. Ethiopia’s civil service, plagued by politicisation and rent-seeking, has long struggled to provide predictable, transparent services. When institutions become extraction points instead of service providers, development stalls, and public resentment grows.
Implication: Corruption isn't just a moral issue—it’s a governance failure that directly undermines the rule of law, discourages investment, and erodes the state's legitimacy.
5. Diaspora Politics and Symbolic Inclusion
The critique of diaspora members being used as symbolic tools of the regime reveals the instrumentalisation of identity politics. While some diaspora figures align with the state to gain access and status, many do so without contributing meaningfully to governance or economic transformation. Their power is often short-lived, tied to their loyalty rather than capacity.
Implication: Symbolic inclusion, without empowerment or accountability, wastes human capital and alienates more capable and independent actors within the diaspora community.
6. Leadership Gap and Institutional Incompetence
The returnee’s most striking point may be that “the people around [Abiy] don’t belong in those offices.” This reflects a fundamental leadership crisis—where political appointments are driven by loyalty, ethnic balancing, or opportunism, rather than competence, integrity, or vision. The regime’s tendency to centralise decision-making in a few hands has created bottlenecks and enabled widespread mediocrity.
Implication: No matter how reform-minded a leader may be, transformational change is impossible without a capable and committed institutional apparatus. Governance reform must be systemic, not symbolic.
Conclusion: A Country in Masked Crisis
The diaspora observer’s reflections illustrate a country not in active transformation but managed stagnation, where surface-level optimism hides deep institutional rot. Ethiopia’s governance crisis is not just about policies or leaders—it is about a structural culture of exclusion, corruption, and distrust that resists reform at every level.
For meaningful change, Ethiopia must:
- Rebuild trust through inclusive governance and reconciliation.
- Professionalise and depoliticise public institutions;
- Break the cycle of clientelism and clique-based politics.
- Empower civil society and independent media to act as accountability agents;
- Harness the potential of the diaspora through merit-based engagement, not symbolic appointments.
Without these shifts, the gap between state rhetoric and lived reality will only widen, eroding public faith and threatening long-term stability.
This reflection serves as a valuable primary source on the lived experience of governance in Ethiopia—one that scholars, policymakers, and diaspora actors alike must take seriously if the country is to move beyond its current impasse.
Sunday, July 6, 2025
Oromo Politicians: Speaking Afaan Oromo with Amharized, Orthodox Christian Mindsets – A Barrier to True Oromummaa
Oromo Politicians: Speaking Afaan Oromo with Amharized, Orthodox Christian Mindsets – A Barrier to True Oromummaa
Introduction
In Ethiopia’s complex political landscape, many Oromo politicians fluently speak Afaan Oromo, whose mindsets remain heavily influenced by Amhara cultural dominance and the orthodox Christian worldview. This disconnection between language and mindset has created a significant barrier to the proper understanding and advancement of Oromummaa (Oromo identity and consciousness). Speaking Afaan Oromo does not automatically mean one fully embraces or understands Oromummaa.
1. Language Without Identity
Being Oromo is not just about speaking Afaan Oromo. Oromummaa is a holistic identity encompassing language, values, worldviews, social systems, and collective memory. Many Oromo politicians may use the Oromo language in public, but their political thinking, leadership style, and social behaviour often remain profoundly shaped by Amhara-centric, Orthodox Christian traditions. These leaders have not yet internalised the Oromo worldview as their political compass.
2. The Influence of Orthodox-Christian Amharized Thought
Many Oromo politicians have adopted Orthodox Christian values and political frameworks that have historically been tools of assimilation and political control under the Ethiopian empire. While Orthodox Christianity as a religion is not the problem itself, the issue is that these politicians unknowingly carry mental structures that perpetuate the hierarchical, centralised and exclusionary systems historically associated with the Amhara ruling class. As a result, they distance themselves from indigenous Oromo systems like Gadaa and from the inclusive, democratic, and egalitarian principles of Oromo governance.
3. What Does True Oromummaa Mean?
Oromummaa is more than a linguistic identity. It is a comprehensive worldview rooted in:
- The Gadaa system (Oromo indigenous governance)
- Oromo cultural values (Safuu, Nagaa, and collective decision-making)
- Indigenous knowledge systems and spirituality
Oromo politicians who fail to embrace these pillars are not truly serving Oromummaa. They risk becoming Oromos by tongue but not by consciousness. This creates political confusion and disconnection between the Omo leadership and the people they claim to represent.
4. The Way Forward: Decolonising the Mind
Oromo politicians must go beyond surface-level representation. Speaking Afaan Oromo is not enough. They must actively decolonise their minds from centuries of political and cultural domination. This requires:
- Reclaiming Oromo cultural systems like Gadaa
- Embracing Oromo philosophies of leadership and justice
- Prioritising Oromo collective interests over imperial political frameworks
- Understanding the deep history and struggle of the Oromo people
Without this intellectual and cultural realignment, Oromo politicians will simply serve as agents of the old system while wearing Oromo names and speaking Afaan Oromo.
Conclusion
The current crisis among many Oromo politicians is a crisis of identity and consciousness. They speak the Oromo language but operate with an Amharized, Orthodox Christian mindset that is out of sync with Oromo values and aspirations. Accurate representation requires more than linguistic performance; it demands a complete return to Oromo-centred thinking, governance, and social organisation. Oromummaa is not performative—it is lived, practised, and defended at all levels of society.
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Saturday, July 5, 2025
Lack of Political Will and the Failure to Build Good Governance and Democracy in Ethiopia:
Lack of Political Will and the Failure to Build Good Governance and Democracy in Ethiopia:
The Ethiopian Constitution, ratified in 1995, introduced a unique federal arrangement based on ethnic lines to promote self-determination, equality, democracy, and good governance. However, despite its progressive language and structural promises, Ethiopia has struggled to achieve the democratic ideals outlined in its constitutional framework. A critical factor behind this persistent failure is the chronic absence of genuine political will to fully implement the constitution in both letter and spirit.
1. The Constitution on Paper vs. Political Practice
Ethiopia’s constitution envisions a decentralised federal system that provides unprecedented rights to “Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples,” including the right to self-determination and secession (Article 39). It promises human rights, democracy, equality, and the rule of law. However, these provisions have remained mainly symbolic because political actors, especially those in power, have selectively applied the constitution to maintain control rather than to empower the people.
Successive Ethiopian governments have used the constitution more as a political instrument than a binding social contract. Instead of nurturing democratic institutions, they often prioritised regime survival and the consolidation of power. This selective implementation has bred systemic contradictions between constitutional theory and political reality.
2. The EPRDF Era: Controlled Federalism and Authoritarian Tendencies
The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which governed from 1991 to 2019, used ethnic federalism as a governance strategy and control mechanism. While regional states were granted constitutional sovereignty and self-rule, the central government tightly controlled political, economic, and security affairs through party structures and loyal cadres. Elections were routinely manipulated, dissent was suppressed, and opposition parties were marginalised.
The EPRDF leadership lacked the political will to allow genuine competition or regional autonomy when it threatened their grip on power. The result was the rise of authoritarianism disguised as ethnic federalism, where the promise of democracy was subordinated to the regime's survival.
3. Post-EPRDF: Continuity of Political Deficits
Abiy Ahmed's rise and the formation of the Prosperity Party in 2019 were initially seen as a new chapter that might revive constitutional integrity and good governance. Abiy’s rhetoric emphasised national unity, liberalisation, and reconciliation. However, the deep-seated political culture of dominance, exclusion, and centralisation persisted.
The country’s inability to resolve electoral disputes, ethnic violence, and regional boundary conflicts demonstrates that the political elite across administrations have consistently lacked the commitment to build democratic consensus, strengthen institutions, and enforce constitutional rights equitably.
4. The Consequences of Political Neglect
The failure to foster political will and good governance has had grave consequences for Ethiopia:
- Ethnic Conflicts: The absence of impartial governance and inclusive dialogue has exacerbated ethnic tensions and led to recurring violence across regions.
- Institutional Weakness: Key democratic institutions, including the judiciary, electoral board, and media, remain fragile and often subservient to ruling elites.
- Human Rights Violations: Systematic repression of dissent, arbitrary arrests, and media censorship have undermined civil liberties.
- Legitimacy Crisis: The state's failure to address grievances has eroded public trust in the constitution and the government’s ability to act as a neutral arbiter.
5. The Path Forward: Building Genuine Democracy
For Ethiopia to transition toward stable democracy and good governance, political will must be redefined as the commitment to uphold constitutional principles, even when they challenge the ruling party’s interests. This requires:
- Strengthening Institutions: The judiciary, parliament, electoral commission, and human rights bodies must operate independently.
- Inclusive Dialogue: Ethiopia’s political future depends on creating an inclusive platform accommodating all nationalities and political actors.
- Constitutional Fidelity: Selective or opportunistic application of constitutional articles must end. The constitution should guide governance, not just the parts that benefit those in power.
- Accountability: Leaders must be held accountable through transparent systems that prevent the abuse of power.
Conclusion
Ethiopia’s constitutional promises have not materialised because of a deep-seated lack of political will, not necessarily because the constitutional structure is inherently flawed. Without leaders who genuinely commit to democratic principles and without empowered institutions that can hold power accountable, the cycle of instability, ethnic division, and bad governance will likely continue. Ethiopia’s challenge is not to rewrite its constitution but to develop the political maturity and integrity required to implement it faithfully.
Friday, July 4, 2025
Counter-Argument: Defence of the Ethiopian Constitution’s Design and Principles
Counter-Argument: Defence of the Ethiopian Constitution’s Design and Principles
While the Ethiopian Constitution of 1995 has faced intense criticism, many concerns about ethnic federalism, national unity, and constitutional rigidity overlook the document's original purpose, contextual necessity, and theoretical strengths. A closer examination reveals that many so-called flaws are actually misinterpretations, political misapplications, or implementation failures, not inherent defects in the constitutional framework itself. Below is a detailed counter-argument to the major criticisms.
1. Ethnic Federalism and the Right to Secession: A Mechanism for Peace, Not Division
Critics argue that Article 39 encourages ethnic nationalism and potential disintegration. However:
- Context matters: Ethiopia has a long imperial conquest and forced assimilation history. The right to self-determination, including secession, was a necessary constitutional guarantee to address historical oppression.
- Prevention of suppression: By constitutionally recognising the right to exit, Ethiopia provided ethnic groups with a peaceful and legal pathway to express their grievances rather than resorting to armed rebellion.
- Misuse, not design flaw: Ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia are primarily driven by political manipulation and power struggles by elites, not by the mere existence of Article 39.
Defense:
The right to secession is a deterrent against tyranny and central authoritarianism. It promotes voluntary unity based on consent, not coercion.
2. Weak National Unity: Unity Through Diversity, Not Forced Homogeneity
The criticism that the constitution undermines national unity ignores its innovative approach to managing diversity.
- Ethiopia is not a historically homogenous nation-state but a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual society.
- Attempts to impose a singular Ethiopian identity, particularly during the imperial and Derg periods, resulted in violent resistance and decades of civil war.
- The constitution’s ethnic federalism is a realistic model that allows nations and nationalities to feel respected, empowered, and protected.
Defense:
The constitution promotes a more sustainable, pluralistic, voluntary unity than a forced, top-down national identity.
3. Dominance of the Ruling Party: Political Behaviour, Not Constitutional Design
The claim that the constitution enabled the dominance of the EPRDF overlooks that:
- The constitutional text guarantees multiparty democracy, political freedoms, and competitive elections.
- The suppression of opposition parties and media was the result of political abuse, not constitutional instruction.
- Even in well-designed liberal constitutions, dominant parties can emerge and manipulate power.
Defense:
The problem is the lack of political will to uphold the Constitution, not the document itself.
4. Ambiguities and Lack of Checks and Balances: Flexibility, Not Vagueness
Critics see flexibility in constitutional language as a weakness, but in reality:
- Constitutional openness allows for diverse local adaptations and political negotiations.
- It gives room for dynamic interpretation in a rapidly changing political landscape.
Defense:
What is needed is responsible interpretation and institutional development, not necessarily rigid textual clarity that could limit flexibility in addressing complex social realities.
5. No Independent Constitutional Court: Federal Systems Can Vary
The absence of a constitutional court is a political design choice, not inherently a flaw.
- The House of the Federation (HoF) is designed to reflect Ethiopia’s unique federal structure, in which ethnic groups, as sovereign entities, adjudicate constitutional matters.
- Many countries use non-judicial constitutional arbitration mechanisms, especially in deeply divided societies.
Defense:
Instead of imposing Western judicial models, Ethiopia’s system prioritises political negotiation and representation. The issue is the lack of institutional maturity, not the constitutional framework.
6. Human Rights Guarantees: Broad Limitations Are Common in Constitutions
Critics point to vague limitations on rights, but:
- Most liberal constitutions allow rights to be restricted under justifiable conditions, such as national security or public order.
- The Ethiopian Constitution’s human rights provisions are comprehensive and comparable to international standards.
Defense:
The misuse of these limitations for repression is a political problem, not a constitutional one. Enforcement, not design, is the real challenge.
7. Lack of Public Participation: Transitional Context Was a Constraint
The constitution was developed during a transitional period after years of war. Full public participation was difficult, but:
- Regional consultations did occur, particularly with key stakeholders, ethnic groups, and political elites.
- National dialogue has always been an evolving process, and constitutional legitimacy can grow over time through practice and public engagement.
Defense:
Post-conflict societies often adopt constitutions quickly. Legitimacy comes from ongoing democratic engagement, not just the drafting process.
8. Inflexibility for Reform: Stability Requires Caution
Complex amendment procedures are not inherently evil.
- The Ethiopian Constitution is carefully designed to prevent frequent or politically motivated amendments that could destabilise the country.
- Sensitive provisions, such as Article 39, require broad consensus to change, which is appropriate in a highly fragmented society.
Defense:
The rigidity protects the integrity of minority rights and ensures that constitutional changes are deliberate, not reactionary.
Conclusion
The Ethiopian Constitution is often blamed for the country’s divisions and crises, but many of its core principles remain defensible and essential for a diverse, post-imperial society. Ethnic federalism and the right to secession are not problems by themselves; they are mechanisms to promote peace, voluntary unity, and justice for historically oppressed groups. The absolute failure has been in political practice, weak institutions, and lack of constitutional fidelity, not in the constitution's design. Rather than dismantling the constitutional structure, Ethiopia needs stronger constitutionalism, better governance, and a genuine democratic culture that respects the spirit and letter of the law.