Friday, November 27, 2020

AFP Story on Ethiopian conflict


The midnight confrontation that helped unleash Ethiopian Conflict.
The story by:AFP

It was late on the first Tuesday in November, and Captain Hussen Besheir, an Ethiopian federal soldier, was on duty at a guard post outside the military camp in Dansha.

It was close to midnight when he saw headlights approaching.

Ten armed members of the Tigrayan special forces got out of the vehicle and demanded to see the camp's commander.

"'We're not here for you'," Hussen recalled them saying. "'We want to talk to the leaders.'"

Short and flinty, Hussen refused. An argument ensued and gunfire rang out.

They were the first shots in a conflict that has since engulfed northern Ethiopia's Tigray region, killing many hundreds of people and forcing tens of thousands from their homes.

This week AFP visited the Dansha barracks, home to the Fifth Battalion of the Northern Command of the Ethiopian military, after gaining rare access to Tigray, where a near-complete communications blackout has been in place since the fighting began.

Shell casings littered the camp's grounds, and bullet holes were punched in the walls of buildings and sides of military trucks.

A metal sign at the entrance reading, "We need to protect the constitution from anti-development forces and lead our country to renaissance," was so perforated with gunfire as to be almost illegible.

- 'Betrayal' -

Hussen and others described hours-long rifle and grenade battles against fighters loyal to the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), including special forces and militiamen, joined by some federal soldiers also billeted in Dansha who turned against their comrades.

Echoing a statement from Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Hussen said soldiers "were killed in their pyjamas", adding, "What happened here is even worse than that."

"Betrayal alone wouldn't describe the feeling that I have. These are soldiers who have been eating and drinking with us," he said of those former federal troops who allegedly turned their guns against them.

The government in Addis Ababa has claimed the attack on Dansha -- and a simultaneous assault on another barracks in the regional capital Mekele –- as justification for its military offensive in Tigray since November 4.

It points to an interview on Tigrayan media in which a prominent TPLF supporter, said a pre-emptive strike was "imperative".

"Should we be waiting for them to launch attacks first? No," said Sekuture Getachew, in the interview, which Abiy's office has called a "confession".

However, a senior TPLF official, Wondimu Asamnew, told AFP, "There was no attack."

Instead, the TPLF says, the story was concocted as a pretext to turn on them.

Confrontation between Abiy and the TPLF was a long time coming. The TPLF dominated Ethiopian politics for nearly three decades until anti-government protests swept Abiy to power in 2018.

Since then the TPLF has complained of being sidelined and scapegoated for the country's woes. The rift widened after Ethiopia postponed national elections because of the coronavirus pandemic. Tigray went ahead with its own vote, then branded Abiy an illegitimate ruler.

- Ethnic forces -

Tadilo Tamiru, a sergeant in the government-aligned Amhara special forces, was 50 kilometres (30 miles) to the south with his 170-strong unit, in a small town along the border between the Tigray and Amhara regions, when the fighting began in Dansha.

They were ordered north to join the battle.

"The support we provided the Ethiopian defence forces was very important," he said, claiming it turned the tide against the TPLF.

Tadilo now stays side-by-side with Hussen, the Amhara special forces informally integrated into the unit, sleeping on mattresses outside the barracks and taking orders from army officers.

Despite being from the neighbouring region, Tadilo said, "As long as the peacekeeping mission is here, we'll stay here."

In the hours and days after the fighting in Dansha, Abiy sent troops, tanks and warplanes into Tigray to oust the "criminal clique" of TPLF leaders. On Thursday, he ordered a "final" assault on Mekele, after the TPLF rejected a 72-hour deadline to surrender.

- 'A lot of shooting' -

Restrictions on access to the conflict zone make it hard to verify claims from either side, but a visit to Dansha revealed that a battle, limited in scope, took place: while the military barracks was bullet-scarred, the surrounding town was unscathed.

Some shops were boarded up but the town -- unlike others in Tigray visited by AFP -- was far from abandoned.

The main thoroughfare, tree lined and paved, was busy with cattle and vehicles, women roasting coffee on the roadside as a group of boys played pool at a pavement table.

Relieved residents described fearfully listening as gunfire erupted from the barracks.

"During the first night there was a lot of shooting. And when we woke up in the morning, we could see bullets everywhere," said Mulye Bayu, a wide-eyed 19-year-old in a floral dress, who runs a roadside cafe.

Afterwards, the town fell silent but with federal forces firmly in control, life has quickly returned to something like normal, albeit without the former ruling party and its officials.

Five men sat at a wooden table in an empty storefront, registering applicants for the newly vacated civil servant jobs.

"The previous administration in Dansha, all of them were from one party (the TPLF)," said one of them, Kibrom Girmay, an ethnic Amhara. "They were assigned to apply all the orders from that party. But when this fighting happened all of them left and now their jobs are empty."

The immediate task is "peacekeeping" and preventing looting, Kibrom said.

"Then we will start to provide basic services, like health, and helping farmers go back to their fields," he said.

Kibrom insisted those Tigrayans who remained in the town would not be excluded from the new administration, but he had nothing but contempt for the TPLF itself.

"The TPLF's plan was to instigate civil war in the country," he said. "They want to destabilise the country, the Horn of Africa and the rest of the world."

rcb/tmc/ri

Ethiopian conflict

·

NOVEMBER 27, 2020, 3:19 AM

Analysis: How attempts to unify Ethiopia may be deepening its divides, say analysts

Katharine Houreld, Maggie Fick

NAIROBI/ISTANBUL (Reuters) - Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s political slogan is “medemer” - or “coming together”. But some analysts say reforms meant to unify Ethiopia have inflamed simmering ethnic and political divisions and risk unravelling Africa’s second most populous nation.

Now Ethiopian unity faces its severest test yet: since Nov. 4, the military has been battling a group that once dominated the national government - the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in the northern Tigray region.
The TPLF frames the conflict as a battle for the rights of Ethiopia’s 10 regions against a premier bent on centralising power. They say Abiy has discriminated against Tigrayans since he came to power and have referred to his rule as an “illegal, unitarist and personalistic dictatorship”.
The government denies trying to centralise control.
Three major decisions infuriated the TPLF, which dominated the governing coalition for nearly three decades until Abiy came to power in 2018: Abiy’s rapprochement with their arch-enemy, the nation of Eritrea; his replacement of an ethnically based coalition with a new national party; and the postponement of national elections.Each sparked bitter recriminations from the TPLF. The ensuing conflict has sent ripples through the region.
Ethiopia, a regional heavyweight, is home to the African Union; its security forces serve in peacekeeping missions in Somalia and South Sudan and work alongside Western allies against Islamist militants.Leenco Lata, a veteran opposition leader, said the federal system is under pressure from both sides as debate polarises between supporters of closer unity or separation. Abiy says he’s tried to work with the TPLF, but has been repeatedly rebuffed; his office published a timeline of such attempts this week.
The government says Tigrayan forces started the conflict by attacking federal troops stationed there. The TPLF have described the attack as a pre-emptive strike.
Underlying the political struggle are long-standing rivalries between Ethiopia’s 80-plus ethnic groups. Many regional leaders see Abiy’s democratic reforms as a chance to grab more power for their own group. Zemelak Ayele, a professor at Addis Ababa University, said even though citizens resented the previous repression, the TPLF might have grudging support from some regional leaders who consider it a bulwark against a more centralised government.”Even those who are ardent detractors of TPLF are not necessarily ardent supporters of the war (in Tigray),” he said. “Some might feel the federal system might be in danger if the TPLF is out of the picture.”

AN OLD ENMITY AND A NEW PEACE

The secretive, highly militarised nation of Eritrea - often nicknamed “Africa’s North Korea” - lies along Ethiopia’s northern border. Eritrea won independence from Ethiopia in 1991 following three decades of war. Conflict over a border dispute broke out again from 1998-2000; tens of thousands died.

The TPLF spearheaded that war. They regard Eritrea as an arch-enemy.
Months after Abiy came to power, he signed a peace deal with Eritrea in 2018 and was subsequently awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize. Regular visits began between Abiy and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, drawing accusations from the TPLF that Abiy was “serving as a vehicle for Isaias’s desire to extract a pound of flesh for perceived wrongs”.
Billene Seyoum, Abiy’s spokeswoman, said the TPLF was trying to “internationalise the conflict” and that intelligence reports suggested the TPLF had been manufacturing Eritrean and Ethiopian army uniforms.
The TPLF has fired missiles at its capital Asmara and says Eritrea is now fighting alongside Ethiopian troops in Tigray, which Ethiopia denies.
Reuters has not been able to reach the Eritrean government for comment for two weeks.

THE PROSPERITY PARTY

After the Eritrea treaty, Abiy consolidated domestically. Last year he replaced Ethiopia’s old ruling coalition, made up of four ethnically based parties, with a single pan-Ethiopian party. Out of the four, only the TPLF refused to join.
Abiy underestimated the TPLF’s bitterness at losing power, said one Ethiopian academic.

“It is a bitter divorce and Abiy did not have a plan for a peaceful exit for TPLF,” the academic said, speaking anonymously to avoid angering the government.
Inflammatory rhetoric on both sides made Tigrayan people feel under siege, boosting support for the TPLF, he said.
Alex de Waal, a professor at Tufts University, said launching the new party so quickly may have been a miscalculation: the old coalition had become a rare forum for negotiation in a nation where political dissent often meant prison.
But Abiy was in a hurry. National elections were due in August 2020 and his new party needed to compete against a plethora of new ethnically based groups.
Then the pandemic arrived.

DELAYED ELECTIONS

The government postponed elections. Many opposition groups reluctantly agreed, but not the TPLF. They held their regional elections in September anyway. Both sides accused each other of ignoring the constitution.
The TPLF won by a landslide. The House of Federation, a legislative body dealing with constitutional matters, voted to cut Tigray’s budget.
On Oct. 29, Tigrayan forces refused to let an Ethiopian general who flew into the regional airport leave to take up his command in the capital Mekelle.
On Nov. 4, the government reported Tigrayan soldiers attacked a base in Dansha.

The conflict had begun.

Reporting by Katharine Houreld in Nairobi and Maggie Fick in Istanbul; Editing by Alexandra Zavis and Giles Elgood

Wednesday, November 25, 2020

Reuters on Ethiopia

·

NOVEMBER 25, 2020, 6:22 AM

African envoys head for Ethiopia as ultimatum expires for assault

Reuters Staff

ADDIS ABABA/NAIROBI (Reuters) - African envoys went to Ethiopia to plead for peace on Wednesday, hours before an ultimatum was to expire for Tigrayan forces to surrender or face an assault on the northern region’s capital that rights groups fear could bring huge civilian casualties. 
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government set a 72-hour ultimatum on Sunday for the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) to lay down its arms or face an assault on Mekelle, the highland regional capital city of 500,000 people.
Human Rights Watch said both sides must avoid putting civilians in danger. The government’s warning did not absolve it “of its duty to take constant care to protect civilians when carrying out military operations in urban areas”.
“We are also concerned by reports that the TPLF has deployed its forces in heavily populated areas. They need to ensure the safety of civilians under their control,” it said.

Thousands of people are already believed to have died and there has been widespread destruction from aerial bombardment and ground fighting since the war began on Nov. 4. Around 42,000 refugees have fled over the border to Sudan. TPLF rockets have hit neighbouring Eritrea.
With phone and internet connections to Tigray largely down and access to the area strictly controlled, it has been impossible to confirm basic details about the situation on the ground. Both sides have described battlefield victories in which they have killed large numbers of enemy fighters, though little firm evidence has emerged.

Tigray’s regional state television reported on Wednesday that fighters had destroyed a large force of Eritrean troops moving towards a town 70 km north of Mekelle. It provided no evidence.
If confirmed, the presence of Eritrean ground forces would amount to a major escalation of the conflict. Eritrea has denied in the past that it is involved in the fighting. Reuters has not been able to reach Eritrean officials for comment in more than two weeks. The Tigrayan forces, which have been hostile to Eritrea for decades, have fired rockets across the frontier.
AMMA news agency, run by authorities in Ethiopia’s Amhara region who back Abiy, said that more than 10,000 Tigrayan “junta forces” had been “destroyed”.
There was no immediate response from the TPLF. A senior diplomat involved in the peace effort said he had not seen evidence of battles on a large enough scale to kill that many fighters, although he could not rule it out.

The conflict pits Ethiopia’s central government against the TPLF, which dominated the country for decades until Abiy took power two years ago. Ethiopia is a federation of 10 regions run by separate ethnic groups. Tigrayans make up around 5% of the population but had outsized influence as the most powerful force in a multi-ethnic ruling coalition from 1991-2018.
Three African Union (AU) envoys - ex-presidents Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia and Kgalema Motlanthe of South Africa - were due in Ethiopia’s capital on Wednesday for meetings, diplomatic sources said.
Abiy, who won last year’s Nobel Peace Prize for ending a two-decade standoff with Eritrea, has said he will receive them but not talk with TPLF heads until they are defeated or give up.
The senior diplomat told Reuters that foreign concern was growing at indications of both “clear ethnic violence” and “Eritrean involvement in some way”.

Both sides have accused the other of ethnic-based killings, while denying responsibility for carrying them out.

FUEL LINES

U.S. President-elect Joe Biden’s appointee as national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, urged dialogue.
“I’m deeply concerned about the risk of violence against civilians, including potential war crimes, in the fighting around Mekelle in Ethiopia,” he tweeted.

On the ground, long lines of cars formed at fuel stations in Mekelle, where there has been rationing, according to Nov. 23 satellite images provided to Reuters by Maxar Technologies.
In Tigray, satellite images showed Ethiopian troops in the ancient town of Axum and trenches dug across the local airport’s runway. Axum’s history and ruins give Ethiopia its claim to be one of the world’s oldest centres of Christianity.
Abiy repeated his position on Wednesday that the Tigray fighting was an internal law enforcement matter.
“Because the Ethiopian government has painted this as a domestic, criminal situation, they are shunning the type of diplomacy and international mediation efforts that they are typically a part of themselves in offering to regional states,” said Grant Harris, ex-senior director for African affairs at the National Security Council in Barack Obama’s U.S. administration.

Reporting by Addis Ababa newsroom; Katharine Houreld, David Lewis, Nazanine Moshiri, Maggie Fick and Omar Mohammed in Nairobi; Denis Dumo in South Sudan; Writing by Andrew Cawthorne; Editing by Katharine Houreld, Giles Elgood, William Maclean and Mark Heinrich

Aljaazera on Ethiopia


Ethiopia capturing Tigray capital may not end conflict: 
Analysts
As federal forces encircle Makelle and TPLF remains defiant, analysts fear capture of the city may not bring the crisis to an end.

Tigray refugees who fled the conflict arriving on the banks of Tekeze river on the Sudan-Ethiopia border [Nariman El-Mofty/AP]
By :Hamza Mohamed

24 Nov 2020
Leaders in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray state have rejected the government’s claims that federal troops are surrounding the regional capital, Mekelle, as Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed gives the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) until Wednesday to surrender.
TPLF leaders on Tuesday said the Tigrayan people are “ready to die” in defence of their land and said they have “completely destroyed” the federal army’s 21st mechanised division.
 
Later on Tuesday, the United Nations Security Council is expected to discuss the unrest, which has forced tens of thousands of Ethiopian civilians to seek refuge in neighbouring Sudan.
But analysts say the government troops capturing the Tigrayan capital may not be the end of the conflict in one of the poorest regions in Africa’s second-most populous country.
“The conflict could evolve and there is frightening possibility it could become entrenched. Both sides are heavily armed and this could lead to a prolonged insurgent warfare,” Ahmed Soliman, research fellow at London-based think-tank, Chatham House, told Al Jazeera.
“The impact of the conflict could also continue to spill over into neighbouring countries.”

Tigray refugees who fled the conflict wait to receive aid at a transit centre near the Lugdi border crossing in eastern Sudan [Nariman El-Mofty/AP]On Sunday, Abiy, the African continent’s youngest leader and last year’s Nobel Peace Prize winner, gave the TPLF forces a 72-hour ultimatum to surrender or face a “final” military offensive on Mekelle.
Abiy said the TPLF leaders were “at a point of no return”, urging them “to take this last opportunity” as the Ethiopian army said it was encircling the city, home to an estimated 500,000 people.

Soliman said Abiy’s ultimatum “fits in with the prime minister and federal government’s narrative that they are implementing a law enforcement operation to remove criminal elements from Tigray”.
“The ultimatum is also meant to weaken support for the TPLF amongst the civilians in Tigray and encourage them to leave or support the federal government,” he said.

Simmering tensions

For three decades, the Tigrayans dominated the governing alliance composed of four ethno-regional parties until Abiy, a member of the Oromo ethnic group, came to power in April 2018.

Under Abiy, the TPLF accused Addis Ababa of unfairly targeting leaders from its region in corruption prosecutions, removing many of them from top government positions.
A year ago, Abiy dissolved the governing coalition and created the Prosperity Party in its place. The TPLF refused to play ball and went their separate way.
A member of neighbouring Amhara state’s special forces mounts a machine gun at an improvised camp in front of a shop in Humera, Ethiopia [Eduardo Soteras/AFP]In September, tensions further escalated after Tigray held its own election, defying the federal government which postponed the general elections due to the coronavirus pandemic.
Addis Ababa declared the Tigray election as unlawful. In response, Tigray said it no longer recognised Abiy’s “illegitimate” administration, claiming its term had ended.
The federal government retaliated by cutting funds to the region, with the TPLF saying the move was “tantamount to an act of war”.

“Abiy speaks of democracy but has zero interest in any of the things that democracy stands for,” Solomon Mezgebu, a scholar from Tigray, told Al Jazeera.
“Tigray introduced federalism in Ethiopia. Abiy is against federalism so he has mobilised the country’s entire army to subjugate, crash and annihilate the people behind the idea.”

As tensions grew, phone lines and internet connections were cut off in Tigray and aid agencies blocked from accessing the mountainous region.
Addis Ababa says the offensive is targeted at only the TPLF leaders, not the people from the region.
“In our law enforcement operations, all the necessary precautionary measures have been taken to ensure that civilians are not harmed,” Abiy said in a statement on Sunday.
“Although the TPLF clique want severe damages to occur, our military planes have been very careful not to harm civilians, to the extent where missions have been aborted on identifying civilians around target areas,” the statement added.

Still, hundreds of people, including civilians, are feared killed in the three-week conflict, while more than 40,000 people have crossed into Sudan, according to the UN.
Last week, the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, said 4,000 people were crossing into Sudan from Ethiopia every day since the conflict began.
On Monday, rights group Amnesty International called on the Ethiopian government to protect civilians in the offensive on regional capital, Mekelle.
“The conflict in the Tigray region has already claimed hundreds of civilian lives, left many more injured, and forced thousands into refugee camps in neighbouring Sudan,” Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s director for East and Southern Africa, said on Monday.
“Commanders in both the Ethiopian national army and the TPLF must take active steps to protect civilians during any fighting, including by taking all feasible precautions to avoid harm to civilians and civilian infrastructure and avoiding locating military facilities and soldiers near concentrations of civilians,” Muchena said.

Meanwhile, the UN Security Council late on Monday said it will hold its first meeting on the situation in Ethiopia, as Abiy’s government warned the TPLF leaders would face charges of high treason, “terrorism” and attacking a neighbouring state.
Tigrayan scholar Soloman said Abiy’s forces may end up “capturing all the towns and villages” in Tigray, “but the people of Tigray will never be subjugated”.
“History tells us that will not happen,” he told Al Jazeera. “The world, and the UN Security Council, in particular, need to demand the cessation of the fighting because there will be no winners, only losers.”
Follow Hamza Mohamed on Twitter


The Guardian on Ethiopia

Guardian 

As Ethiopia’s army declares daily victories, its people are being plunged into violence

Alex de Waal

Abiy Ahmed’s war against Tigrayan rebels endangers a fragile union whose collapse would destabilise the Horn of Africa

Tue 24 Nov 2020 07.15 GMT

Ethiopia’s prime minister Abiy Ahmed has promised military victory in Tigray. He says he will capture the capital, Mekelle, and the leadership of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which he calls a criminal junta. If he succeeds, it will be a pyrrhic victory – prospects for peace, democracy and protection from famine in Ethiopia will be set back a generation

There are artillery barrages, airstrikes, armoured assaults. The Ethiopian army announces a Tigrayan town captured every other day and this week it plans to surround Mekelle. But there’s something missing. We’re not seeing pictures of prisoners of war, recovered military equipment, or newly-captured towns with local people welcoming their liberators. Perhaps the TPLF evacuated the towns and retreated to the mountains. Or maybe there are things that Ethiopian TV doesn’t want the world to see.

Abiy refuses to call it war–, saying this is an operation to enforce constitutional order and the rule of law. He says that the TPLF started it by overrunning army bases and slaughtering non Tigrayan officers. This may turn out to be true, but it is a war under any recognisable definition, and whatever Abiy’s initial justification, he will be judged according to the same international legal code as his adversaries. If his forces commit war crimes, the argument that the other side started it won’t hold water in a court.

As the conflict intensifies, it generates its own terrible logic. If the Ethiopian army triumphs in Mekelle, Abiy won’t be declaring peace. For the Tigrayans, it is likely to be the beginning of the “third woyane” – the first being the 1943 rebellion against Haile Selassie , put down by the RAF bombing Mekelle from its base in Yemen, the second being the TPLF insurgency that began in 1975, running for 16 years against a military government that announced its “final offensive” every year until the rebels defeated him.
This time it might be worse. Hostilities have spread to civilians, and there is reason to fear inter-communal pogroms on a scale that Ethiopia hasn’t seen before.
Not only Tigrayans are fearful. So too are the historically marginalised Oromo, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. Three years ago, Oromo protests brought the country to a halt, and the crisis was resolved with Abiy Ahmed, an –Oromo-appointed prime minister. The Oromo demands included jobs, freedoms, and a share in political power commensurate with their numbers.

The federal constitution is a delicate compromise wrought in the 1990s with the aim of bringing fissiparous armed movements into agreement on keeping Ethiopia together. The TPLF was then the leading member of the ruling coalition , but much of the inspiration came from Oromo leaders. The constitution grants self-rule to ethnolinguistic groups and, controversially, right of self-determination. It is problematic, and the TPLF abused it, but it is treasured by peoples who won equal recognition for the first time in Ethiopia’s history–.

Many of the country’s historic political and cultural elites, drawn from the Amhara, see this as a betrayal of Ethiopia’s long heritage as a unitary state. Over the last year, Abiy has shifted his power base to embrace this agenda. As a former charismatic Pentecostal preacher, his skillset is well-suited to crowd pleasing. He seems to put his faith in God and the power of decisive action. He is energetic at dismantling institutions but less so at building them. Abiy was ripe for co-option by others with a strategy, notably a group of Amhara politicians who saw Abiy as useful.
Oromo and Tigrayan alike smelled a return to imperial-style domination. During the past year, Abiy has turned against Oromo leaders, notably arresting Jawar Mohammed, founder of the Oromo Media Network, on terrorism charges. Some of those who nominated Abiy for the Nobel peace prize last year now regret their endorsement.
Abiy won for making peace with Eritrea, ending 18 years of a cold war between the two countries. In comparable cases, the Nobel committee has shared the award between signatories. This time, they didn’t honour Eritrean president Isaias Afewerki, the antithesis of a reformer running a prison country without constitution, independent mediaor political parties

For Afewerki, the deal with Abiy was a security pact against the TPLF, which he views as his principal adversary. He sees Ethiopia as fragile, destined to fragment like Yugoslavia, and has missed no opportunity to hasten that along. Nonetheless, Abiy adopted Afewerki as patron and adviser.
Afewerki no doubt relishes seeing his two enemies, the Ethiopian army and the TPLF, destroy one another. He sits innocently on the sidelines, while becoming the kingmaker of the Horn of Africa.

How war threatens Ethiopia's struggle against worst locust swarm in 25 years

The African Union (AU) has appointed mediators for Ethiopia. Abiy has rebuffed them, promising a military fait accompli. The AU has no chance without backing from great powers, but the US assistant secretary of state, Tibor Nagy, asserts confidence in Abiy and Afewerki. It’s so crass that some Washington veterans wonder if the Trump administration is deliberately leaving its successor insoluble foreign policy crises.

Every day counts. Each day of killing and starvation and every broadcast of divisive rhetoric in Ethiopia’s media make it harder for Ethiopians to climb out of the abyss into which their leaders are plunging them. Every international tool of condemnation and pressure is now warranted.
• Alex de Waal is executive director of the World Peace Foundation and a research professor at Tufts University’s Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy

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Amhara defined

Amhara defined: 
The group of communities who speak the Amharic lingo, follow Orthodox Christianity and believe in the ideology of Ethiopianism(advocate for  the old Solomonic dynasty imperial regime or similar uniterian form of administration)
For example:If an oromo :speak Amharic lingo,follow Orthodox Christian and accept the ideology of Ethiopianism, The person qualifies those element that make up Amhara.
The logic applied to those ethnio-linguistic groups too.
Therefore, Amhara is the  politico-lingustic society that sticks to the ideology of Ethiopianism that pledges for an Imperial Unitarian form of government.

Friday, November 13, 2020

Orange -Restrict Zone for COVID-19

Eastern Ontario Health Unit joins Ottawa in Orange-Restrict zone for COVID-19 restrictions

Josh PringleDigital Multi-Skilled Journalist
@PringleJosh Contact

Published Friday, November 13, 2020 3:36PM EST

OTTAWA -- The Eastern Ontario Health Unit region is joining Ottawa in the "Orange-Restrict" zone of the COVID-19 colour-coded system, as Ontario makes changes to the COVID-19 thresholds for each level.
Effective Monday, Nov. 16 at 12:01 a.m., the Eastern Ontario Health Unit will officially move to the orange level, with new restrictions on indoor dining, bars, restaurants, fitness centres, movie theatres and other activities.  

The new restrictions in the Eastern Ontario Health Unit region include last call at bars and restaurants at 9 p.m. instead of 11 p.m., only four people seated together instead of six, and establishments must close at 10 p.m.  No spectators will now be allowed at sports and recreation facilities in eastern Ontario.

COVID-19: Local Coverage
Ottawa will remain in the "Orange-Restrict" zone.
Premier Doug Ford announced Ontario will lower the thresholds for its colour-coded tiered system one-day after the province released new COVID-19 modelling data showing that the province could see 6,500 new cases per day by mid-December.
"We need to be clear about what's at stake, we're staring down the barrel of another lockdown," Ford told reporters at Queen's Park on Friday afternoon. "I will not hesitate for a second if we have to go further because our number one priority right now, it's getting these numbers down."
The changes will lower the threshold for each of the five levels for: weekly incidence rates, positivity rate, effective reproductive number, outbreak trends and the level of community transmission.
Ottawa moved to the "Orange-Restrict" level on Nov. 7 when Ontario introduced the new system, while the Eastern Ontario Health Unit was placed in the "Yellow-Protect" zone.
On Friday, Ontario announced the Eastern Ontario Health Unit would be moved into the orange zone, starting Monday.
The thresholds for the Restrict level are a weekly incidence rate of 25 to 39.9 cases of COVID-19 per 100,000 people and a positivity rate of 1.3 to 2.4 per cent. The threshold to move into the "Red-Control" zone includes a weekly incidence rate of 40 cases per 100,000 and a positivity rate of 2.5 per cent.
Here is a look at the restrictions for the "Orange-Restrict" level for Ottawa and Eastern Ontario:

Gathering limits

Gathering limits for select organized public events and social gatherings (e.g., private gatherings at home, in parks, etc., barbeques):

 10 people indoors

 25 people outdoors

Gathering limit for organized public events and social gatherings:

 50 people indoors

 100 people outdoors

Gathering limits for religious services, rites or ceremonies, including weddings and funerals:

 30 per cent capacity indoors

 100 people outdoors

 Other requirements

Requirement for workplace screening
Requirement for face coverings at indoor workplaces

Requirement for face coverings in indoor public spaces, with limited exemptions
Worker protections such as eye protection where patrons without face coverings are within two metres of workers
Development and implementation of a communication/public education plan (highlighting risk)
Advice to restrict non-essential travel from areas of high-transmission to areas of low transmission

Restaurants, bars, and food & drink establishments

 50 person indoor capacity limit

 Limit operating hours, establishments close at 10 p.m.

 Liquor sold or served only between 9 a.m. to 9 p.m.

 No consumption of liquor between 10 p.m. and 9 a.m.

 Require screening of patrons 

 Limit of 4 people may be seated together

 Closure of strip clubs

 Require contact information for all seated patrons

 Limit volume of music (e.g., to be no louder than the volume of a normal conversation)

 Safety plan available upon request

 Require patrons to be seated; 2 metres minimum between tables

 Dancing, singing and performing music is permitted, with restrictions

 Karaoke permitted, with restrictions (including no private rooms)

 No buffet style service

 Night clubs only permitted to operate as restaurant or bar

 Line-ups/patrons congregating outside venues managed by venue; 2 metres distance and face covering required

 Face coverings except when eating or drinking only

 Eye protection where patrons without face coverings are within two metres of workers

Sports and gyms

 Maximum 50 people per facility in all combined recreational fitness spaces or programs (not pools, rinks at arenas, community centres, and multipurpose facilities)

 Require screening of patrons, including spectators

 Limit duration of stay (e.g. 60minutes); exemption for sports

 No spectators permitted (exemption for parent/guardian supervision of children)

 Face coverings required except when exercising

 Increase spacing between patrons to 3 metres for areas of a sport or recreational facility where there are weights/weight machines and exercise/fitness classes

 Recreational programs limited to 10 people per room indoors and 25 outdoors

 Require contact information for all patrons and attendance for team sports

 Require appointments for entry; one reservation for teams

 Safety plan available upon request

 Team or individual sports must be modified to avoid physical contact; 50 people per league

 Exemption for high performance athletes and parasports

 Limit volume of music (e.g., conversation level)/require use of microphone for instructor where needed to avoid shouting

Retail

 Require screening of patrons at mall entrances

 Limit volume of music (e.g., to be no louder than the volume of a normal conversation)

 For malls - safety plan available upon request

 Fitting rooms must be limited to nonadjacent stalls

 Line-ups/patrons congregating outside venues managed by venue; 2 metres distance and face covering required

Personal Care Services

 Services requiring removal of face coverings prohibited

 Change rooms & showers closed

 Bath houses, other adult venues, hot tubs, floating pools and sensory deprivation pods closed (some exceptions)

 Require screening of patrons

 Require contact information from all patrons

 Safety plan available upon request

 Oxygen bars, steam rooms, saunas, and whirlpools closed 

Casinos, Bingo Halls and Gaming Establishments 

 Liquor sold or served only between 9 a.m. to 9 p.m.

 No consumption of liquor between 10 p.m. and 9 a.m.

 Require screening of patrons 

 Require contact information from all patrons

 Safety plan available upon request

 Capacity cannot exceed 50 persons.

 Table games are prohibited.

 OR casinos, bingo halls, and gaming establishments operate in accordance with a plan approved by the Office of the Chief Medical Officer of Health

Cinemas

 50 per facility (revoke OCMOH approved plan)

 Liquor sold or served only between 9 a.m. to 9 p.m.

 No consumption of liquor between 10 p.m. and 9 a.m.

 Require screening of patrons

 Require contact information from all patrons

 Safety plan available upon request

 Face coverings except when eating or drinking only

 Drive-in cinemas permitted to operate, subject to restrictions 

Meeting and Event Spaces

 Maximum of 50 people per facility

 Limit operating hours, establishments close at 10 p.m.

 Liquor sold or served only between 9 a.m. to 9 p.m.

 No consumption of liquor between 10 p.m. and 9 a.m.

 Limit of 4 people may be seated together

 Require screening of patrons 

 Require contact information for all seated patrons

 Limit volume of music (e.g., to be no louder than the volume of a normal conversation)

 Safety plan available upon request

 Booking multiple rooms for the same event not permitted

Performing Arts Facilities

 Liquor sold or served only between 9 a.m. to 9 p.m.

 No consumption of liquor between 10 p.m. and 9 a.m.

 Require screening of patrons

 Require contact information from all patrons

 Safety plan available upon request

 50 spectators indoors and 100 spectators outdoors with 2 metres physical distance maintained

 Singers and players of wind or brass instruments must be separated from spectators by plexiglass or some other impermeable barrier

 Rehearsal or performing a recorded or broadcasted event permitted

 Performers and employees must maintain 2 metres physical distance except for purposes of the performance

 Drive-in performances permitted  
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