What the oppressors hailed as their golden age was, for the oppressed in Ethiopia, nothing short of a dark and grim period.

Some political figures, particularly among the Amhara elites, misinterpret this portion of the preamble of the constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, portraying the Amhara as oppressors and others as oppressed. This distortion is then exploited for detrimental political propaganda. Acknowledging that our shared aspirations can be best achieved by correcting historically unjust dynamics and by advancing our collective interests;

Historically, unjust societal structures were systemically embedded. For example, in traditional Ethiopia, monetary wealth was not highly esteemed. The most revered professions included soldiering coupled with political involvement, priesthood, and farming. The social hierarchy comprised three fundamental categories: the negash (royalty), the angash (military/civilians), and the qedash (priesthood). Commerce and crafts were relegated to lower status, with blacksmiths, potters, and tanners considered as subhuman.The historical context  highlights significant social and political dynamics in Ethiopia, particularly the ways in which different groups were stratified and how identities were managed and manipulated by the state. Here’s a breakdown of the key points:

1. Historical Injustices: The preamble of the FDRE constitution advocate for addressing historical injustices and promoting shared interests. This is important for understanding the call for reconciliation and unity in a diverse society.

2. Social Stratification: Traditional Ethiopian society was divided into three main categories: royalty (negash), military/civilians (angash), and the priesthood (qedash). These distinctions were significant in determining one's social and professional standing. Commerce and crafts were often relegated to lower-ranking groups, indicating a clear social hierarchy.

3. Orthodox Church’s Role: The Orthodox Church played a crucial role in the assimilation policies. By giving new Christian names to those baptized and encouraging them to abandon their original languages, cultures, and values, the Church helped forge a new identity aligned with Ethiopianism, particularly associated with the Amhara.

4. Educational Policies: The education system, especially under Blaten Geta Sahle-Tsedalu in the 1930s, was another tool for assimilation. By mandating the change of names and promoting Amharic over other languages, the state enforced a homogenizing policy that marginalized non-Amhara cultures and languages.

5. Land and Cultural Exploitation: Examples like Lema Mamo’s family

"Lemma Mamo, whose family were the original proprietors of the land prior to their displacement by Emperor Menelik II from the vicinity of the palace in Addis Ababa, subsequently graduated from the Holeta Military Academy and rose to the rank of captain in the Imperial Guard. It is recounted that during a promenade on the palace grounds, the Emperor inquired about the location of Lemma's ancestral land. Lemma responded by indicating the spot beneath the Emperor's feet, stating, "Right here, Your Majesty." 

losing their ancestral land around Addis Ababa to Emperor Menelik II’s expansion reflect the broader pattern of land dispossession and cultural suppression experienced by various groups, particularly the Oromo.

The references illustrate how systemic policies and practices contributed to social injustices and the marginalization of certain groups. This complex history is often used in political discourses, sometimes leading to polarizing interpretations. 

Understanding these dynamics is essential for fostering informed dialogue and promoting reconciliation. It also highlights the need to acknowledge and address historical grievances to build a more inclusive and equitable society , Furthermore, The Ethiopian political landscape necessitates the involvement of insightful thinkers who possess a deep understanding of the country's political history and are capable of identifying the root causes of issues to formulate enduring revolutionary solutions. In my assessment, these problems largely stem from entrenched antagonism. Historically, society has become increasingly polarized into two major antagonistic camps, represented by the descendants of the old reactionary regime and the descendants of the subjugated serfs. The remnants of feudal society, imbued with Amhara ideology, have perpetuated class antagonism rather than eliminating it. Under the guise of a unified Ethiopian identity, a new class hierarchy and conditions of oppression have been established.

The current era demands a renewed struggle against the elite descendants of the old reactionary regime and the feudal class in a revolutionary manner, aiming to dismantle their enduring legacy in all its forms. This includes eradicating their ideological roots, such as the dominance of the Amhara language and Orthodox Christianity, which serve as the strongholds of their ideology, as well as their propaganda apparatus. Moreover, there should be a prohibition against any glorification or commemoration of the neftenya and feudal lords, including Emperor Menelik II. The ongoing struggle for self-determination among all nations, nationalities, and peoples must be sustained with vigor until the remnants and influence of the old regime are completely eradicated.