Former American Ambassador to Ethiopia, Tibor Nagy, has once again expressed his concerns about Ethiopia's federal system, which he inaccurately refers to as "Ethnic Federalism." In a recent interview, Ambassador Nagy claimed that Ethiopia's federal system has been a historical mistake, citing the country's struggles with ethnic tensions and poverty. However, his analysis is based on a flawed understanding of the Ethiopian Constitution and the context of the country's federal system.
Firstly, Ambassador Nagy's use of the term "Ethnic Federalism" is incorrect. The Ethiopian Constitution does not mention this term, instead, it recognizes the rights of "Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples" to self-determination and democratic participation. This framework is designed to promote unity in diversity and address the country's rich cultural diversity.
Furthermore, Ambassador Nagy's comparison between Ethiopia's federal system and Switzerland's is misleading. While Switzerland's federal system is primarily focused on economic distribution and regional autonomy, Ethiopia's federal system is designed to balance the rights of diverse groups with the need for national unity and economic development. The issue of federalism in Ethiopia is not only about distribution of wealth but also about the rights to self-determination and democratic participation.
Ambassador Nagy's argument that Ethiopia's federal system has failed because it is dividing poverty rather than wealth is also flawed. This perspective overlooks the historical and cultural context of Ethiopia's federal system. The country's traditional system of governance was based on a hierarchical, centralized power structure, which marginalized many ethnic and regional groups. The current federal system was established to address these historical injustices and promote greater inclusivity and representation.
Moreover, Ambassador Nagy's criticism of Ethiopia's federal system ignores the role of the United States, his home country, in supporting the development of Ethiopia's federal system. During the transitional period, the US provided significant assistance to help establish the new federal system, recognizing the importance of promoting democracy, human rights, and self-determination in Ethiopia.
The source of the problem in Ethiopia is not the federal system itself but rather the lack of implementation of the Constitution and federalism with democracy. The country's struggles with ethnic tensions, poverty, and inequality are symptoms of a broader issue – the failure to fully implement the Constitution and ensure democratic participation and representation.
In conclusion, Ambassador Nagy's analysis of Ethiopia's federal system is flawed and misleading. His comparison between Ethiopia's federal system and Switzerland's is inaccurate, and his criticism of Ethiopia's federal system ignores the country's historical and cultural context. It is essential for Ambassador Nagy and other external observers to understand the nuances of Ethiopia's federal system and its historical context. Only through a deeper understanding of the country's complexities can we provide constructive support and guidance to help Ethiopia navigate its challenges and promote greater peace, stability, and prosperity.
Video footage from @Tibor Nagy's page.
https://www.youtube.com/live/LkphKJ4wwqc?si=wxqgDQ5QtP5GKO4R
9:31 p.m.
AUDIO TRANSCRIPTION BY ME
In a way you celebrated your labor day, a couple of just a week ago with Ethiopian Cuisine And uh it was so beautiful to see such a message where you're still engaged in cultural or say cultural diplomacy or maintaining your relationship with the people respective of the region. In power, whatever is happening on the political front. That's it. You have been in Ethiopia at least for more than 20 years. Now, at least in their little 2000, you were there. And now I was also there during 1984-1986. Oh goodness. During the Derg. That was my first. Yeah. So at the time when we were having a difficulty, where the, if I mean was one of the dark moments is indeed political history. , so I can characterize the Ethiopian political landscape today in terms of extreme polarization, political polarization and a growing societal fragmentation. These are two keys I speak. Where do you expect this in retrospect? 20 years ago, this was coming. Are there some structural fault lines which would inevitably lead to what we are seeing today? No, 20 years ago when I left Ethiopia. I was actually quite optimistic, because I thought that Ethiopia would be undergoing a period of very rapid economic growth. And You know, maybe even approaching middle income status A fairly quickly. And even as recently as 2018, 2019, You know, people were not just looking at Ethiopia but also with the Horn of Africa As a very optimistic region. I remember when the Sudanese first revolution happened in Bashir Came crashing down, due to the people of Sudan, You know, all of a sudden we were talking about, not the Horn of Africa, but the hope of Africa. And unfortunately, you know how quickly that changes and how quickly that deteriorates. It is absolutely tragic. One of the issues, one of the fault lines, which is on the, The front burner of every activity is those who are familiar with Ethiopian politics is the the politicization of ethnic diversity. So, we can call it the eternal politics, or, or the , I could say somehow in institutionalization of oftenic politics. What would you say? Yeah, you know, it's as we say in the United States, uh, looking backwards is always a hundred percent. And I remember again, when I went back to Ethiopath for the second time in 19. 99. Um you know, ethnic the whole issue of ethnic federalism was still at an experimental stage, because the people who put it together, Um you know, thought that that might be a successful way to go. Unfortunately, as it turns out, it was not. as you well know, you know where you are. Ethnic federalism Works great. When the state is very, very wealthy like Switzerland. You know, when you talk about uh, you can put ethnic groups together that have historical hatred for each other in Switzerland. And they get along great because they're dividing riches. Whereas in Ethiopia, you know, you put ethnic states together and they're dividing poverty. Not riches. So that means that they're fighting each other. You know, over Whatever the the spoils are so it turned out to be a, you know, historical mistake. But who would have known at the time? There have been some red flags, cell waste. And still, after 30 years of experimentation we were flirting flirting with, Um, the ethnic time bomb. It seems that the first majority of the leads are not learning from the most recent history and the things are actually only going from bad towards because that's why we are having a nationalism metech nationalism even in the Amara community, Which they will consider to be a panic open. It's in the past then you know that and then if they are matters are flirting within Nationalism and even militarism a militant nationalism and then the gravy people of the most dispersecuted community in the country. Uh, are seeking Regional autonomy of their own. And that tells you that there is a problem in the design of the political orders itself. Absolutely. And you know that that is one of the huge issues facing Ethiopia right now that it's going to have to be resolved one way or the other, you know? I compare Ethiopia's current stage to an airplane that's in the air. Uh, the engine was on fire. Uh, the big fire has been put out now, it's a little fire, but there's huge mechanical problems. And the leadership is trying to fix the airplane on its way to a landing. And now with the Horn of Africa, there's a danger that some of the some of those outside the airplane may try shooting at it. So it is an extremely critical situation.
Recently, you celebrated Labor Day with Ethiopian cuisine, which was a beautiful demonstration of cultural engagement and diplomacy, reflecting your commitment to maintaining relationships within the region despite ongoing political developments. You have been connected to Ethiopia for over two decades, including your presence there since at least the early 2000s, as well as during 1984-1986, a period marked by significant political upheaval under the Derg regime. The current Ethiopian political landscape is characterized by extreme polarization and increasing societal fragmentation.
ReplyDeleteHere are two main points I wish to convey. Reflecting on the past, could we have predicted today's circumstances twenty years ago? Personally, twenty years ago when I left Ethiopia, I was quite optimistic about its future. I anticipated a period of significant economic growth, with the potential for Ethiopia to nearly achieve middle-income status quite rapidly. As recently as 2018 and 2019, there was substantial optimism about Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa region. For instance, when the Sudanese revolution led to the fall of Bashir, there was a palpable sense of hope, with people referring to the Horn of Africa as the "Hope of Africa." Regrettably, the situation has deteriorated swiftly, which is truly tragic. A key issue that has come to the forefront is the politicization and institutionalization of ethnic diversity in Ethiopian politics, which continues to be a significant point of contention.
ReplyDelete“What is your perspective? In the United States, we often say that hindsight is always 20/20. Reflecting on my second visit to Ethiopath in 1999, I observed that ethnic federalism was still an experiment. The architects behind this system believed it could be a successful approach, yet it ultimately proved otherwise. As you know, ethnic federalism functions well in affluent states like Switzerland, where diverse groups coexist peacefully while sharing prosperity. Conversely, in Ethiopia, ethnic states vie over scarce resources rather than wealth, leading to conflict. This approach has, in hindsight, been a historical error. Despite warning signs, even after three decades of experimentation, Ethiopia is facing an ethnic time bomb. A majority of the leadership seems to be ignoring recent historical lessons, causing conditions to deteriorate. The rise of nationalism within the Amhara community, once considered a bastion of Pan-Ethiopianism, along with growing militant nationalism and the grievances of the Gurage people, who are now seeking regional autonomy, underscores fundamental flaws in the political framework. This issue is a critical challenge for Ethiopia that requires resolution.”
ReplyDeleteEthiopia's present situation can be likened to an airborne aircraft experiencing severe mechanical issues. While a significant engine fire has been extinguished and reduced to a smaller blaze, substantial mechanical problems persist. The leadership is endeavoring to address these challenges mid-flight. Additionally, there is a heightened risk that external forces in the Horn of Africa may attempt to exacerbate the situation. This underscores the gravity and urgency of the circumstances.
ReplyDeletePoliticians with a narrow perspective tend to concentrate on secondary issues and residual politics, assigning blame to processes without adopting a comprehensive approach.
ReplyDeleteIn Ethiopia, such one-sided political approaches are exacerbating the country's current crises. No form of government, in isolation, can resolve systemic problems. Regardless of the state structure, it is bound to fail if it devolves into a dictatorial regime. Federalism inherently represents a democratic governance system, a quality that was notably absent during the era of the EPRDF, which was primarily influenced by Western frameworks.
The state structure established by the EPRDF in 1991, characterized as multinational federalism, and the nature of the government it implemented were fundamentally contradictory. The EPRDF regime, which operated as a dictatorship, falsely claimed to have established a new federalist state designed to promote good governance and the equality of nations, nationalities, and peoples. In reality, it manipulated the federal structure for the benefit of its own narrow interests.
The actions taken were inconsistent with the principles enshrined in the constitution, which was intended to embody democratic ideals that were not practiced. This dysfunction represents a fundamental flaw of the EPRDF government.
As a result, the experimental environment lacked proper control and did not adhere to the established principles, procedures, and settings that were supposed to govern it. Consequently, the test was doomed to fail before even undergoing its intended process. The shortcomings should not be attributed to the state structure itself, but rather to the failures of the EPRDF as the experiment's administrator. This entity compromised the integrity of the pre-established experimental framework. Can we arrive at a valid conclusion without conducting a genuine and comprehensive experiment? It is imperative to first rectify the experimental procedures and execute the plan as intended, completing the laboratory process in full. Only then will we have the capacity to generalize the findings.
Regrettably, many of our politicians tend to make premature generalizations without fully comprehending the intricacies of both the process and its outcomes. They often concentrate solely on residuals and byproducts in an effort to validate the notion of multinational federalism.
TO :Moges Zewdu Teshome
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