The Rise of Linguistic-Religious Fascism: A Threat to Democracy and Pluralism in Ethiopia
Introduction
Ethiopia is a country with rich ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity. The promise of federalism in Ethiopia was, at least theoretically, designed to embrace this diversity and provide equal recognition and autonomy for all ethnic groups and religions. However, recent developments reveal the emergence of an ideological movement that threatens this democratic and pluralistic foundation. Reports suggest that a group identified as Moha-Amhara / Moha-Tewahedo is advancing a linguistic-religious fascist agenda, aiming to resurrect the imperial model of Ethiopia under Emperor Haile Selassie — a centralised state dominated by the Amharic language and Orthodox Christianity. This essay critically examines the key actors, motivations, and the inherent dangers this ideology poses to Ethiopia’s democratic aspirations.
Key Actors and Structure
At the forefront of this movement is Fantahun Wake, a prominent religious preacher and vocal advocate for Orthodox Christianity's supremacy in the state. He is reportedly supported by the Amhara Association of America (AAA), a diaspora-based lobby group, with figures like Dr. Wondewosen Assefa (currently jailed) playing significant roles. Domestically, some Fano leaders and public figures, including Eskinder Nega, have been identified as sympathisers or active participants in advancing this agenda.
The movement strategically blends linguistic nationalism with religious absolutism, where Amharic is seen not just as a working language but as a superior identity marker, and Orthodox Christianity is promoted as the central moral and cultural compass of the state.
The Ideological Core: Return to Haile Selassie’s Model
The imperial model under Haile Selassie was characterised by the assimilationist policy of "One Nation, One Language, One Religion." The Amharic language and Orthodox Christianity were the de facto instruments of governance, often at the expense of the identities and rights of other nations and nationalities. The Moha-Amhara/Moha-Tewahedo group seems to idealise this period, advocating for:
The restoration of Amharic as the dominant, if not exclusive, national language.
The privileging of Orthodox Christianity in public life, potentially at the expense of religious freedoms and the secular nature of the modern state.
The re-centralisation of political power is undermining Ethiopia’s multinational federal arrangement.
Linguistic-Religious Fascism: A Dangerous Trajectory
The ideology being advanced by this group aligns with linguistic-religious fascism, which is inherently anti-democratic. Linguistic-religious fascism is a system where one language and one religion are used to define citizenship, loyalty, and access to power, while systematically marginalising other groups.
Such an ideology:
Violates the principles of pluralism, which recognise and protect multiple identities, languages, and religions within a state.
Suppresses minority rights, leading to cultural erasure and the alienation of non-Amhara, non-Orthodox communities.
Destabilises social cohesion by creating divisions, resentment, and potential cycles of violent resistance.
Contradicts Ethiopia’s constitutional foundation, which upholds the equality of nations, nationalities, and peoples.
The Anti-Democratic Implications
The pursuit of a mono-cultural Ethiopia is fundamentally anti-democratic because it:
Rejects inclusive governance in favour of domination by a single ethno-religious group.
Undermines freedom of language, religion, and political association.
Dismantles the federal system designed to address Ethiopia's complex diversity and historic marginalisation.
Democracy requires the protection of minority rights, the accommodation of diversity, and the decentralisation of power. The ideology pushed by the Moha-Amhara group directly opposes these democratic ideals.
The Role of the Diaspora
The Amhara Association of America (AAA) and similar diaspora-based groups reportedly provide ideological, financial, and lobbying support to this movement. While diaspora involvement in home-country affairs is not inherently problematic, promoting exclusionary, anti-pluralistic agendas from abroad, detached from the complex realities on the ground, becomes dangerous.
Conclusion
The rise of the Moha-Amhara / Moha-Tewahedo agenda represents a serious threat to Ethiopia’s democratic development and its fragile national unity. Reviving the imperial model of linguistic and religious dominance not only disregards the suffering and resistance of historically marginalised groups but also endangers the country's peace and future stability. Ethiopia’s path forward must be anchored in pluralism, federalism, and inclusive democracy, not in the glorification of a past that denied these principles. Domestic and international stakeholders should remain vigilant and oppose any attempt to regress into exclusionary nationalism masked as cultural preservation. The fight for a just, inclusive Ethiopia continues, and it must reject all forms of linguistic and religious fascism.
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