Monday, June 12, 2023

Self determination

What Is The Self-Determination Theory?

Self-Determination Theory (SDT) is a psychological framework that focuses on individuals’ intrinsic motivation and personal growth. Developed by psychologists Edward Deci and Richard Ryan, SDT suggests that people are inherently motivated to pursue activities fulfilling their basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness.

SDT suggests that when these basic psychological needs are met, individuals are more likely to experience a sense of well-being, intrinsic motivation, and personal growth. However, when these needs are unmet, individuals may experience anxiety, depression, and a lack of fulfilment.

SDT has been applied in a wide range of contexts, including education, healthcare, and workplace settings. It has been used to develop interventions to promote intrinsic motivation and personal growth and assess the effectiveness of various programs and policies. 

SDT provides a useful framework for understanding human motivation and behavior and has important implications for promoting well-being and personal development.

Components Of The Self-Determination Theory

Self-Determination Theory (SDT) proposes that individuals have three basic psychological needs for well-being and motivation. These needs are autonomy, competence, and relatedness.

Autonomy

This refers to an individual’s need to feel in control of their behavior and decisions. It involves having a sense of choice and volition and feeling that one’s actions align with one’s values and interests. In other words, autonomy means having the freedom to be oneself and to pursue one’s goals in a way that feels authentic and self-directed.

Competence

This refers to an individual’s need to feel effective and capable in their actions and behaviors. It involves having a sense of mastery and accomplishment in one’s endeavors and feeling challenged but not overwhelmed by tasks or activities. In other words, competence means feeling confident in one’s abilities and being able to make progress towards one’s goals.

Connection Or Relatedness  

This refers to an individual’s need to feel connected and involved with others. It involves feeling a sense of belonging and social support and having opportunities for meaningful interactions and relationships. In other words, relatedness means feeling cared for and supported by others and having a sense of shared goals and values.

Together, these three basic psychological needs form the foundation of SDT. When individuals feel that their autonomy, competence, and relatedness needs are being met, they are more likely to experience intrinsic motivation, well-being, and personal growth.

When these needs are not met, individuals may experience negative emotions, low motivation, and a sense of disconnection or disengagement. Therefore, SDT is a great way for promoting motivation, well-being, and personal development in individuals and in various settings such as education, healthcare, and the workplace.

How Self-Determination Theory Works

According to the Self-Determination Theory (SDT), individuals are likelier to feel intrinsic motivation, personal development, and well-being when their demands are addressed.

According to SDT, people can be driven in two different ways: extrinsically by rewards or penalties from the outside world or internally by the intrinsic satisfaction of the task itself. SDT stresses the relevance of intrinsic motivation since it is more likely to result in sustained engagement and well-being.

Applying Self-Determination Theory In Coaching

Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can be applied in coaching to help clients develop intrinsic motivation, personal growth, and well-being. Coaches can use SDT to support their clients’ autonomy, competence, and relatedness needs, increasing satisfaction and engagement in their personal and professional lives.

Coaches can help clients identify their values, interests, and goals and work with them to develop a sense of control over their actions and decisions. Coaches can also help clients build their skills and competencies and create opportunities for social support and connection. SDT provides a useful framework for coaches to help their clients cultivate intrinsic motivation, well-being, and personal growth.

Conclusion

Self-Determination Theory provides coaches with a powerful tool to help their individual clients as well as teams reach their goals. Coaches who understand the concept and its underlying principles can better motivate and support the development of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in the clients they interact with.

 

Wednesday, June 7, 2023

democratic trend, turn to decentralization in ethiopian federalism.



  HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
  1 PRE _1991 ETHIOPIA
  Ethiopia is Africa's oldest independent country and it is the second largest in terms of population.  Other than a five year occupation by Mussolini's Italy, it was never colonised.
  It possesses a unique cultural heritage, being the home of the Ethiopian Orthodox and Muslim Church and the Judaism (three Ibrahim Religion) monarchy which only ended in the 1974 coup.

  It served as a symbol of African independence during the colonial period, and was a founding member of the United Nations Organization and the African base of numerous international organizations.
  In the first half of the 20th century, Ethiopia knotted close ties with Britain, whose troops helped drive out the Italians in 1941 and put Emperor Haile Selassie back on his throne.  Since the 1960s, British influence has given way to that of the United States, which in turn has been supplanted by the Soviet Union.

  During past regimes, Ethiopia has been the object of unpleasant experiences due to a lack of respect and tolerance for ethnic and cultural diversity, and a lack of good governance and accountability.  This lack of respect has caused the ancient civilization of Ethiopia to fall into the war and poverty of which we are currently convalescing and to experience a renaissance from the previous strength and beyond.

  The misperceptions of the past and abuses have been fully taken into account since the military dictatorship was overthrown in 1991. Since 1995, Ethiopia has been the supreme law of an individual federal and democratic constitution of sovereignty and group rights

  Until the system change in 1991, Ethiopia throughout its long history has not managed to develop a system of governance that embraces its diversity, one that helps transform its extraordinary diversity into an existential threat  for a deep well of strength and dynamism.  In fact, the management not of its diversity, for centuries has constituted a challenge-a main challenge which has massively contributed to its centuries long journey backwards from the front line of world civilization to one of the most countries  poor of the planet.

  2 POST 1991 ETHIOPIA AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SYSTEM OF GOVERNANCE in our own context.

  In 1991, we launched on democratic federalism.  This should be considered as a new way of realizing unity in diversity.  All indications so far suggest that it is at last a successfully crowned enterprise.  Our federal system has allowed us to set up a democratic system of governance that is maturing and consolidating.
  It has allowed all the peoples of Ethiopia to maintain and celebrate their individual identities while at the same time constituting the great family of Ethiopians.  This allowed all Ethiopian people to manage and mobilize their local affairs autonomously and mobilize all their resources to improve their means of livelihood and development of their communities while at the same time becoming active participants »in  the common national affairs.  It has allowed us to design our system of governance based on the circumstances of each locality and thus serves the people better while consolidating our common democratic governance.
  Ethiopia has made a lot of progress since 1991, our renaissance, as well as economic development are evident.  Today, Ethiopia is characterized not only by freedom of religion and separation of religion and state, but also by tolerance, solidarity and equity.
Democratic federalism has allowed us to forge a common Ethiopian identity-one that is not separate from and above our diverse identities, but one that is constituted by the magnificence of that diversity.  It has become the foundation on which a stable and peaceful nation is constituted.  It has become the solid foundation on which we build a young and dynamic nation of one of the oldest states on the planet.

  The constitution, of our nations, nationalities and peoples have been given meets modern international standards.  For example, it is based on the principle of equality, be it ethnic, religious or gender equality.  This can also be seen through the strong concentration the Constitution puts on the protection of human rights and good governance.  Thanks to this process, Ethiopia has become the cradle of freedom.  The inclusive and participatory manner, we place to diversity and overcoming our problems of the past can be considered as a model for other countries.

  The year 1991 marked a fundamental transformation of the political structure of the country, from an otherwise heavily centralized and unitary oppressive state to an extremely decentralized federal system.  In accordance with the Ethiopian Constitution, the main objective of the new federal agreement is to build a political and economic community capable of ensuring sustainable peace, which guarantees democratic order and promotes equitable economic and social development.  The vision of establishing such a community was conceptualized through a decision taken by the collective nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia in full and free exercise of their right to self-determination.  This capital decision aims to correct the historically unfair relationship established by previous regimes and the creation of a democratic political union and economic integration based on the principles of equality, mutual respect and common interests.

  Our constitution has a long-range objective to establish a political and economic community which is to ensure equality of rights for the peoples of Ethiopia.  The Constitution proclaims that this can only be achieved if the rights of individuals and groups are fully recognized and respected.  It is because of this principle that the constitution demands the free will and consent of the various nationalities to establish a strong democratic union.  If the union is to be further strengthened, it is essential to respect the human rights of citizens and democracy.

  The other fundamental cause of a political and economic community is the need to guarantee to each nationality equal chances of development and the right to equally enjoy the fruits of the country's development.  One way to guarantee this right is to provide the various peoples of the country with an equal right to self-government.  It is in consciousness of this fact that our Constitution grants to every nation the right of self-government.  The other key issue to ensure equality of rights of persons is to ensure that the development activities of the federal and regional governments are, as far as possible, for the benefit of the people in an equal manner.  In this regard, a number of provisions are envisaged in the Constitution.

  3 OWNERSHIP OF POLICIES AND STRATEGY

  From our experience, we can affirm that the most important prerequisite for any type of development is ownership.  For us, ownership is much broader than the narrow concept a number of international organizations use.  I am not talking about private ownership of resources.  For us, appropriation means that the country seeking development, be it economic, democratic or any other type of development must possess this desire.  The nation must identify its own problems and to find its own ways of solving these problems.  This does not mean that foreign aid would be rejected.  But, whatever strategy is decided to achieve development must be produced in this country and not outside.  Any type of strategy that is not held by the people is doomed to failure if the strategies are not internalized and belonging to succeed.  The extraordinary development of countries like South Korea, Germany or my own country Ethiopia are very good proof examples this point.
  Leading a country to more development is a learning process which equally means that human beings generally learn more from their own experiences done individually.  The same seems to apply to corporations.  These experiences create a historical and socio-economic context which we need to understand clearly when we want to bring about change.  The context equally determines the strategies that are likely to lead to success.

  Not every strategy works in all environments, or to employ a very simple expression: “no one size fits all”.  In order to succeed and gain ownership, policies must fit into the political, economic, educational and cultural context of our countries.
  In Ethiopia, we have studied the experiences of many other countries where we have developed our strategies and policies to overcome poverty.  We’ve always tried not to reinvent the wheel.  And we are also making sure that the strategies we have opted for the compatibility with our framework and our objectives.
  To succeed in the development of a country requires very strong political will, commitment and an extremely high level of discipline from the leadership and the people.  It is the duty of the leadership within parliament and government to develop

  The property leads us to the next necessary condition for development.  Sustainable development demands a strong and distinct political will for this kind of development.  Based on this political will and commitment, appropriate and clear policies and strategies in all sectors of the state must evolve.  It is not enough to concentrate on one sector.  If we are to achieve sustainable development, we need integrated policies.  All sectors to influence sustainable development.  Consequently, we must ensure the integration of our sectoral policies and design them in such a way that they all contribute to development.  Examples include infrastructure, education, health, environmental protection, investment conditions, political stability and peace as well as a clear understanding of the type of economic development is supposed to focus on  . . . .
  The different actors do not have the same obligations and different responsibilities, and they

  must work hand in hand to achieve sustainable development.  The sharing of responsibilities doesn't stop at the national level.

  At this stage, the development effort has reached the international level.  Developed economies have an obligation to support developing countries, for various historical and contemporary reasons.  Both, parliaments and governments of developed countries can contribute to the development of our countries, each through different means.  Long-term support is of utmost importance here, to return to the principle of ownership has already been mentioned, we ask our partners to support our policies rather than trying to implement new development policies  for us.

  4 Decentralization 
IN ETHIOPIAN CONTEXT

  People across the world demand greater self-determination and its influence in the decisions of their government.  
Some 95 percent of democracies now have elected under national governments and countries everywhere, big and small, rich and poor, are devolving political, fiscal and administrative powers to sub-national levels of government, but decentralization is often put in place  Ĺ“uvre at random.  Decision makers do not always fully control the pace or genesis of the decentralization process.  Even when they do, decentralization models are often exported from one country to another without regard for local political traditions, regulatory frameworks, or property rights.
  Decentralization involves the transfer of political, fiscal and administrative powers to national sub-units of government.  A government is not decentralized unless the country contains “autonomous elected under national governments capable of making binding decisions, at least in certain areas.  Decentralization may involve bringing governments into existence such.  Or it could involve increasing the existing resources and responsibilities of infranational administrations.
  In Ethiopia, a large number of functions have been decentralized at the regional level State to the local level.  At this level, we also ensure a link between the people and the representatives by elected councils.  These councils to descend to the lowest level of local administrative units.  Thanks to these mechanisms nearly half of the adult population is represented in a council.  This means that literally everyone has a direct relationship with the elected officials.  This allows us to discuss any issue with the public.

  Decentralized powers are as follows:
  • Implementation of policies and laws adopted by the respective regional governments
  • Preparation and implementation of development plans, programs and budgets to various policies / sectors
  • Officials
  • Peace and security
  • education (primary schools)
  • Primary health care providers
  • Liquid feed
  • Management and maintenance of rural roads

  All layers of society are represented by these mechanisms.  This, so to speak in passing, of course includes women.  We encourage women to be part of policy and decision-making processes.  Currently, 29% of seats in the Federal Parliament are occupied by women.  Our current five-year development plan, the Plan foresees growth and transformation increase of this rate to 35% after the next elections.  The participation of women in municipal councils and regional parliaments is already close to 40% on average today.
  Ethiopia is on the verge of achieving the Millennium Development Goals and to bring the economy to the level of middle income countries.  What will happen because of the very close relationship the political representatives elected entertain with the people.  Not just our pro-poor and pro-people policies.  These policies have not only been developed for the people, but with the participation of the population.

  Of course, we haven't solved all our problems yet.  Eras of repression and underdevelopment cannot be erased in a single generation.  But we work hard, the people, the government together, in order to make progress.

  As far as good governance is concerned, great efforts have been undertaken to strengthen the legislatures and councils.  The members of these boards are trained to be in the best position to acquit themselves of their duties.  At the same time, the company is encouraged to demand good governance and good services.  This confirms parliaments in their oversight functions and ensures the  active involvement of society as a whole.
  I am not saying that we have achieved all our goals.  Much remains to be done, and this includes intensive and expanded training for representatives.

  Training tens of thousands of people and increasing the demand for governance, development and good service delivery within the population is neither done in a short span of time nor is it an easy task.


Regional and Local Government Ethiopia Table of ContentsRegional AdministrationWhen it assumed power in 1974, the Derg only slightly reordered the imperial regime's pattern of administrative organization at the national level. By contrast, the new regime saw existing local administration as anathema to the objectives of socialist construction, and its reform efforts were initially more evident on the local level than in the central bureaucracy.Immediately after assuming power, the Derg reorganized Ethiopia's fourteen provincial administrations and replaced all serving governors general. The fourteen provinces (teklay ghizats) were relabeled regions (kifle hagers) and were divided into 102 subregions (awrajas) and 556 districts (weredas). (By 1981 the number of administrative divisions had increased to sixteen with the addition of Addis Ababa and Aseb.) The restructuring was a major step toward dismantling feudal privilege. Moreover, all new appointees were either military men or university-educated individuals who were considered progressives.The main charge of these new administrators initially was to promote development, and the maintenance of law and order was considered only of secondary importance. Despite the commitment to rural development and to the staffing of regional administrative positions with young, dynamic, educated people, not much could be done to accelerate the process of change. Field bureaucrats had few resources to work with, their staffs were small, and their budgets were committed almost exclusively to salaries. By the mid-1980s, the relief and rehabilitation contributions of foreign private voluntary organizations in some cases made more resources available at the local level than did the regional administrations.After having concentrated on a gradual transformation of the state's administrative structure, with the promulgation of the 1987 constitution the Mengistu regime prepared for a further reorganization of regional administration. Hence, at its inaugural session, the National Shengo enacted a government plan for the administrative reorganization of regional government. As a result, twenty-five administrative regions and five autonomous regions were created. The autonomous regions consisted of Eritrea (broken further into three subregions in the north, west, and south), Aseb, Tigray, Dire Dawa, and Ogaden. The change promised to alter significantly Ethiopia's traditional pattern of administrative organization.If the plan were to be fully implemented, this reorganization would have required a dramatic expansion in the government and party bureaucracy. Relatively new institutions, like regional planning bodies, would have been eliminated and replaced with new planning agencies in the various regions. Some observers suggested that this plan was initially endorsed to pursue a Soviet-style approach to the nationalities problem. They argued that the regime was trying to organize regional administration along ethnic lines. Consequently, this reform had little positive effect on enhancing the regime's legitimacy and in fact limited its control over the general population.The primary organs of state power at the regional level were regional shengos. These bodies were responsible mainly for implementing the central government's laws and decisions. Regional shengos could draft their own budgets and development plans, but these had to be approved by the National Shengo. Regional shengos also possessed some latitude in devising and enforcing local laws and regulations and in electing local judges. By the summer of 1989, however, regional shengos had been elected in only eleven of the twenty-five newly designated administrative regions and in only three of the five regions designated as "autonomous." GoogleCustom SearchSource: U.S. Library of Congress

Tuesday, June 6, 2023

Federal Countries



Federal Countries

There are roughly 25 federal countries in the world today, which together represent 40 per cent of the world’s population. They include some of the largest and most complex democracies – India, the US, Brazil, Germany and Mexico. Their system of government, while it can be complex, has made many federations amongst the most prosperous countries in the world with high standards of government services.

View Countries

Ethiopia 

History

Ethiopia is one of the oldest states in Africa. The most well-known of all Ethiopian emperors, Haile Selassie, ruled the country from 1930 until 1974, with the exception of the period during which Ethiopia was under military occupation by the armed forces of Benito Mussolini’s Italy, from 1936–1941. Selassie was overthrown in 1974 by the Provisional Military Council, known as the Derg, which proclaimed Ethiopia a socialist state. The Derg was in turn ousted by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991.

In 1994, a Constituent Assembly adopted a new draft constitution approved in a referendum and the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia was proclaimed in 1995. Meles Zenawi became the first Prime Minister of the new Federal Democratic Republic in 1995, and after his death in August 2012, the current Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn took office.

Structure

With more than 80 ethnic communities, ethnicity is the underlying organizing principle of Ethiopia’s federal parliamentary democracy. Article one of the 1996 Ethiopian Constitution states that Ethiopia is a federal nation.

In 1996 the fourteen historical provinces of Ethiopia were dissolved and nine autonomous regions and two chartered cities (Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa) created to replace them. Six of these regions are inhabited almost entirely by a single ethnic group each, with the three remaining regions more ethnically diverse.

The Ethiopian Parliament consists of the House of Federation (the upper house), and the House of Peoples’ Representatives (the lower house), whose members in both cases are elected either by state councils or popular elections. The highest executive authority in Ethiopia resides with the Prime Minister.

The federal authorities deal with issues of national concern, including economic and social development, national standards and policy criteria for health and education, defense, federal police, foreign policy, foreign commerce, and immigration.

Malaysia. 

History

The Malaysian federal state evolved out of the colonial structure established under British rule that was based on the signing of treaties with Malay sultanate states. In 1948, the British territories on the Malay Peninsula formed the Federation of Malaya, which in turn gained independence from Britain in July 1957. Malaysia was formed in 1963 when the former colonies of Singapore and the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak joined the federation.

Disagreements between the federal authorities and the leaders of the State of Singapore led in 1965 to a Constitution Amendment bill that expelled Singapore from the federation. A constitutional crisis in 1969 resulted in the controversial proscriptive Sedition Act that overrides the balance of powers in the federal system. This legislation enabled the dominant ruling parties (primarily the United Malays National Organization and the Barisan Nasional coalition) to effectively increase the power of the central government.

Federal authorities consistently relied upon their power to amend the constitution to enforce their position on any matters of dispute within federal system. In 2008, however, the ruling government suffered a setback when it lost its two-thirds majority in parliament. After more than 50 years of one-party rule based on a multi-ethnic alliance, Malaysia’s governing Barisan Nasional finally faced its first serious challenge as the opposition won control of 5 of the 13 state legislatures. Pressure for greater federalism – starting with demands for the federal government to stop greater centralization – has begun to emerge from the state legislatures, especially those held by the opposition.

Structure

Malaysia, a nation with a population of 26 million, is the only federal country between India and Australia. The Federation of Malaysia is federal constitutional elective monarchy composed of 13 states and three Federal Territories. The King of Malaysia is the Head of State while the Prime Minister is Head of Government. Executive power is vested in the Cabinet, which is led by the Prime Minister and is chosen from among both houses of the Parliament.

Malaysia has a bicameral parliament consisting of the House of Representatives (lower house) and the Senate (upper house). The 222 members of the House of Representatives are elected from single member districts by universal adult suffrage. All of the members of the Senate (70 in total) sit for terms of three years, with 26 directly elected by the 13 State Assemblies, and the remaining 44 appointed by the King on the advice of the Prime Minister. A multi-party system is in place and the government is elected via a first past the post system.

Each of the thirteen states has its own unicameral State Legislative Assembly. Members of an Assembly are elected from single member constituencies during state elections which also use a first past the post system. The assemblies have the power to enact state laws, and the majority party in the Assembly forms the state government. State governments are led by a Chief Minister. Many states of Malaysia also have a traditional hereditary ruler (a Governor or Sultan), and in these states the Chief Minister advises the hereditary ruler.

Local governments, the lowest level of government in the Malaysian federal system, have the power to collect taxes and create laws in the form of by-laws. However, local government are not elected but appointed by the state government, and are headed by a civil servant.

Argentina

History

Following Argentina’s declaration of independence from Spain in 1816, nascent federalism began to emerge in the country when the provinces of Buenos Aires, Entre RĂ­os, and Santa Fe signed the Federal Pact in 1831, primarily as a means of military defense. The first Argentinean Constitution, which followed in 1853, established a republican division of powers, a high level of independence for the provinces, and a federal power controlled by a strong executive government limited by a bicameral national congress. The principle behind this was to ensure the equitable representation of the population and the provinces. This constitution remains in force today with several amendments. The next half century was turbulent, encompassed by a great deal of political instability, until the passing of Sáenz Peña Law made the political vote mandatory, secret, and universal among males aged eighteen or older.

In 1930, a military coup removed the democratically elected HipĂłlito Yrigoyen and the armed forces launched a period of authoritarian rule characterized by political instability, persecution of opposition political parties, and electoral fraud which would last for many decades. Between 1946 and 1955 President Juan Domingo PerĂłn increased the political influence of unionized workers and implemented large numbers of public works, albeit under conditions of political repression and media censorship.

The cycle of authoritarian rule finally ended in 1983, following a period of military dictatorship that culminated in the Falklands/Malvinas War of 1982. The return of democracy also saw the return of federalism. Since this time, Argentina has been exposed only to the typical tensions between the central, provincial, and local governments that many federal countries experience. An economic crisis in 2001-02 sparked public protests and the successive resignations of several presidents. Néstor Carlos Kirchner from the Peronist party was elected president in 2003 and was succeeded in 2007 by his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Fernández de Kirchner was re-elected for a second term in 2011. In October 2015, Mauricio Macri won the Argentinian presidential election and assumed office as the current president of the country

Structure

The federal structure of Argentina divides the country into 23 districts (known as provinces) and the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires. Argentina is a presidential representative democratic republic. The President is both Head of State and Head of the Government, and executive power is exercised by the President. Legislative power is invested both in the Executive and within the Argentinean National Congress, the bicameral legislative branch of the government of Argentina.

The National Congress consists of the upper house – the Senate – and the lower house – the Chamber of Deputies. Senators are elected to six year terms by direct election on a provincial basis, with the party that achieves the most votes awarded two of a province’s three seats in the senate, and the third going to the second-placed party. Members of the Chamber of Deputies are elected to serve four year terms. One half of the members are elected every two years by the people of each district using a proportional representation system.

Each of the Argentinean provinces has its own constitution, laws, authorities, and forms of government, but these institutions must first and foremost comply with the national constitution and federal law. The government of each province has three branches: executive, legislative, and judiciary. The executive branch is led by a governor, while the provincial legislative branch may be organized in a bicameral or unicameral format. Each province, with the exception of Buenos Aires Province, is divided into administrative divisions known as departments, which are in turn divided into municipalities.

Belgium 

Belgium

History

Belgium has been an independent state since its territories were detached from the Dutch kingdom in 1830, with the exception of the periods in which it was occupied by Germany during the First and Second World Wars. The nation was initially created as a strongly centralized unitary state that operated linguistically almost entirely in French. At this time, only 1% of the adult population could vote – the French speaking nobility, bourgeoisie, and high-ranking clerics. This was unacceptable to the Flemish population who viewed the country as bilingual and bi-cultural. Pressure from the Flemish Movement resulted in the passing of the 1898 De Vriendt-Coremans Law that enforced formal legal equality of the French and Flemish languages within Belgium.

Federalism was enshrined in law in the 1970 Belgian Constitution, and can be seen as form of ‘evolving federalism’ which aims to hold the country together despite its internal divisions.

Structure

Federalism is relatively new to Belgium but linguistic differences have long characterized this country nestled between France, Germany, and the Netherlands. Belgium’s defining political feature is its multilingual character, with the country divided into three linguistic communities: Flanders (in the north) is home to the majority of Belgian Dutch speakers, known as the Flemish; Wallonia (in the south) is predominantly populated by French-speakers; and a small German community inhabits a modest area at the eastern tip of the country. The capital, Brussels, is a separate, bilingual entity.

Belgium is a federal, parliamentary, representative, democratic, constitutional monarchy consisting of three communities (based on language) and three regions. These two types of constituent unit operate at the same level, meaning that one does not take precedence over the other. The Flemish and Walloon Regions are divided into 5 provinces each, which are further sub-divided into municipalities.

The King of the Belgians is the Head of State, and the Prime Minister of Belgium is the Head of Government. Executive federal government power is exercised by the Prime Ministers and ministers, who form a Council of Ministers. The number of French and Flemish speaking ministers must be equal (with the exception of the Prime Minister). The Belgian Federal Parliament is comprised of a Senate, and a Chamber of Representatives. The 150 members of the Chamber of Representatives are elected directly via a system of proportional representation, while 50 of the 60 total senators are elected by the parliaments of the communities or regions, with the remaining 10 co-opted by others.

Each of the components of the federal system (i.e. the Communities and Regions) has their own directly elected unicameral council or parliament that vote on decrees that have the same value and are on the same juridical level as federal laws. The regional and community parliaments and governments have jurisdiction over a number of policy areas, including transportation, public works, education, public health, and economic policy. However, these regional and community government entities have relatively limited powers over spending and revenue generation with the federal government largely maintaining control over this area.

🇨🇭 

History

Switzerland’s federal history can be traced back to August 1291, when three cantons created a defense union combined with a system of arbitration for conflict management. After the invasion of Switzerland by Napoleon in 1798 the French attempted to create a centralized Swiss state. This was unsuccessful, however, and the 1803 Act of Mediation partially restored the sovereignty of the cantons, created a number of new cantons, and effectively introduced a loose federal system. After the defeat of Napoleon in 1815, Switzerland determined that it would operate as a loose confederation. The Sonderbund War of 1847, a civil war in which seven primarily Catholic cantons created an alliance to protect their interests against a centralization of power, led in 1848 to the enacting of the (current) federal constitution. This constitution established Switzerland as a federal republic, delineated the responsibilities of the cantons and the Confederation, and established the federal authorities of government.

There have been a total of two revisions of the constitution, one in 1874 and one in 1999 (which came into force on 1 January 2000). The latter formulated the existing constitutional norms in modern language, and introduced additional content, particularly in relation to cooperative federalism. However, the overall design of the constitution remained unchanged throughout these revisions. The federal constitution of Switzerland has provided the basis for the peaceful cohabitation of different cultural, linguistic, and religious groups.

Structure

The Swiss federal system consists of three levels of governance. Authority is shared between the Confederation (central state), the 26 cantons (the federal states), and the 2,352 communes. Each of these three levels has legislative and executive powers. In addition, the Confederation and the cantons have judicial powers.

The Confederation’s authority is restricted to the powers expressly conferred to it by the Federal Constitution. All other areas, such as education and health care, are the responsibility of the cantons which enjoy considerable autonomy. Some of the responsibilities of the communes are expressly assigned to them by the Confederation, or by the canton of which they are a part. However, communes can also legislate when cantonal law does not specifically refer to issues that affect them directly.

Switzerland’s direct democracy means that all proposed amendments to the constitution are decided by referendum. Any federal law can be put to a referendum if a petition for reform receives the signatures of 50,000 citizens. This means that the Swiss people have the ability to make changes to the federal system. While the process of and implementing reform may be slow, changes do occur frequently. In recent years the provision, form, and length of compulsory education in Switzerland has been a topic which has challenged the federal system, as debate continues between the Confederation and the various cantonal governments on the extent to which education should be homogenized across the country in order to ensure that Swiss children are best prepared for adulthood. The question of language learning has been a particularly pertinent issue in this regard.

Nigeria 

faces the Boko Haram insurgency in the north of the country and attacks on the petroleum industry in the oil rich Niger Delta. One of the major challenges for federalism in Nigeria is the issue of how oil revenues are shared between the central government and the states.


Federal Countries

Australia

History

Australia was settled as a series of British colonies between 1788 and 1829; although by the time Europeans had discovered the island, aboriginal peoples had inhabited the area for at least 50,000 years. Between 1850 and 1891 six separate self-governing colonies emerged, each with a constitution and institutions of government of their own.

Throughout this period, there was some pressure for union between the colonies for economic, defense, and other purposes. The final and most serious phase of the federation movement took place during the 1890s. The terms of federation and of the constitution on which it was based were negotiated in two major constitutional conventions which occurred in 1891 and 1897-98 respectively. The conventions were attended by delegations of Members of Parliament from each of the colonies. The constitution that emerged was approved by referendum in each of the Australian colonies before it came into effect as an Act of the British Parliament. On 1st January 1901, the Australian self-governing colonies became the federated Commonwealth of Australia.

In designing the constitution the framers drew on the constitutional arrangements of both Britain and the United States. After some debate, the principles and institutions of responsible government already in operation in the six colonies were adopted for the new national government: the Commonwealth of Australia. Australian political leaders did not provide for constitutional protection of political rights, similar to the United Kingdom, even though the federal system and the constitutional framework were modelled on those of the United States.

Structure

The constituent parts of the Australian federation are the Commonwealth and the six Original States of New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Western Australia, South Australia, and Tasmania. Australia also has two self-governing mainland territories, the Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory. These territories are not full partners in the federation, but are treated as polities in their own right for many purposes. In addition, there are seven external territories.

In the more than 100 years since federation, Commonwealth (central government) powers have tended to expand through usage and judicial interpretation. The Australian federation relies in part on an extensive network of ministerial councils and a diversity of co-operative schemes designed to co-ordinate legislation and policy. The Commonwealth can intervene in areas solely of state concern, the most sensitive of which include the environment and human rights. Inevitably, these procedures diminish the authority of individual parliaments and enhance the role of executive government.

Over the past several decades, Australia’s main forum for federalism reform has been the Council of Australian Governments (COAG). Established in 1992, the members of COAG comprise the prime minister and all state premiers. The Council for the Australian Federation, established in 2006, acts as a spokesperson for the state and territorial governments.