Comparing the Presidential System of Nigeria and the Parliamentary System of Ethiopia
Introduction
Constitutional design is crucial in shaping a nation's political and governance structures. Two standard governance systems are the presidential system, in which executive power is vested in a president elected independently of the legislature, and the parliamentary system, where the executive is derived from the legislative majority. Ethiopia currently operates a parliamentary system, while Nigeria practices a presidential system. This essay compares the two systems using the Ethiopian and Nigerian experiences, highlighting their structures, strengths, weaknesses, and implications for democracy and political stability.
1. Structure and Electoral Process
In Nigeria, the president serves as the head of state and government. The president is elected directly by the people through a general election for a four-year term, renewable once. This creates a clear separation of powers between the executive and the legislature. The Nigerian president has considerable authority in appointing ministers, directing foreign policy, and controlling the armed forces.
In contrast, Ethiopia follows a parliamentary system based on the Westminster model. The Prime Minister is the head of government, while the President holds a ceremonial role. The Prime Minister is elected from among the House of Peoples’ Representatives members, typically the majority party or coalition leader. This system allows for the fusion of legislative and executive powers, where the Prime Minister governs with the support of the majority in parliament.
2. Political Party Dynamics and Power Stability
Ethiopia's parliamentary system provides a more predictable path to power, especially for dominant parties like the former Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). As long as a party maintains a parliamentary majority, it can consistently produce Prime Ministers and govern with minimal opposition disruption. This has led to long periods of political continuity and concerns over democratic centralism, limited opposition influence, and executive overreach.
Nigeria’s presidential system encourages broad-based coalitions and requires candidates to win a national plurality and a spread across the country’s regions, promoting inclusivity in a multiethnic society. However, the winner-takes-all nature of presidential elections can lead to heightened tensions, regional polarisation and post-election violence when outcomes are contested.
3. Accountability and Checks and Balances
In theory, Nigeria’s presidential system provides stronger checks and balances between the executive and legislature. The president cannot easily pass legislation without parliamentary approval, and impeachment is a constitutional possibility. However, political patronage, corruption, and ethnic considerations often undermine these checks.
Ethiopia’s parliamentary system facilitates efficient law-making, as the executive and legislature are politically aligned. However, it can weaken accountability, especially when the ruling party dominates both branches. The Prime Minister often operates with significant power, making the system resemble a “democratic dictatorship”, particularly if opposition parties are weak or marginalised.
4. Flexibility and Responsiveness
Parliamentary systems, such as Ethiopia’s, are generally more flexible. A Prime Minister can be removed through a vote of no confidence, allowing for mid-term leadership changes without a national election. This makes the system responsive to shifts in political climate or party leadership.
Nigeria’s presidential system is less flexible, with fixed terms for the president. Removing a president mid-term requires an elaborate impeachment process, which is rarely successful due to political allegiances. While this can provide stability, it also risks entrenching ineffective or authoritarian leaders.
5. Implications for National Unity and Representation
Through its federal character requirements (e.g., candidates must win votes across diverse regions), Nigeria's presidential model seeks to foster national unity in a multiethnic society. However, ethnoregional tensions persist, and the centralised nature of the presidency sometimes deepens feelings of marginalisation.
Ethiopia’s parliamentary system operates within an ethnic federalism framework, where regional states have considerable autonomy and representation is often aligned along ethnic lines. This design aims to respect self-determination but has also contributed to political fragmentation and inter-ethnic conflicts.
Conclusion
Both the presidential system in Nigeria and the parliamentary system in Ethiopia offer unique strengths and present distinct challenges. Nigeria’s presidential system promotes inclusivity and national representation but struggles with electoral tensions and executive-legislative gridlock. Ethiopia’s parliamentary system allows for stable governance and party continuity, but risks concentrating power in the hands of the majority party and reducing political pluralism.
Maintaining the parliamentary system may be preferable for Ethiopia, especially if institutional reforms are strengthened, democratic norms are promoted, opposition parties are allowed, and judicial independence is ensured. Party politics provides a clearer and more accessible path to leadership, especially in a country where democratic culture is still developing. Moving to a presidential system may introduce greater electoral conflict and uncertainty unless supported by a robust democratic infrastructure and national consensus.
Ultimately, the effectiveness of either system depends not only on constitutional design but also on political culture, institutional capacity, and leaders' commitment to democratic values.
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