Wednesday, March 15, 2023

Secretary Antony J. Blinken at a Press Availability

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Well, good evening, everyone.  It is great to be back in Africa, but also to make my first appearance to Ethiopia as Secretary of State.

I’m here in Ethiopia – and then on to Niger – to reaffirm the pledge that President Biden made at the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit late last year.  As he put it, the United States is “all in on Africa, and all in with Africa.”  That means the United States is committed to deep, responsive, and genuine partnerships on the continent, because we believe we can only solve shared challenges – and deliver on the fundamental aspirations of our people – if we work together.

One way we’re doing that is making good on the commitment that we’ve made to help partners in Africa deal with the huge challenge of food insecurity.  Last year, 140 million people in Africa suffered from acute food insecurity – a crisis exacerbated by COVID-19, by climate change, by conflict.  This led to shortfalls in commodities, fertilizer, and fuel, all of which spiked prices and created supply chain disruptions.  To meet that challenge, the United States has invested $13.5 billion last year to reduce acute and chronic hunger worldwide, largely in Africa.

At the same time, together with African countries, we’re supporting immediate interventions like the Black Sea Grain Initiative, which has brought Ukrainian grain to countries across Africa as well as lowering prices around the world.

Over 4 million metric tons of wheat have gone directly to developing countries as a result of that initiative – that is the equivalent of 8 billion loaves of bread.  Millions rely on the Black Sea Grain Initiative.  It cannot be allowed to lapse.

But we’ve also heard loudly and clearly from African partners that emergency aid cannot be the only solution.  So we’re investing in sustainable, long-term African food production – working with our African partners on innovative solutions that will ensure that Africa not only meets needs on the continent but can become a supplier for the rest of the world.

Today, American and African scientists are collaborating to devise climate-resilient, nutritious crops.  We’re working on international efforts to significantly increase yields in Africa, including by mapping and improving the quality of topsoil.  We’re employing satellite photography technology to discover new water resources – as we recently did in Niger, where five new aquifers have been found, containing over 600 billion cubic meters of accessible water.  And we’re harnessing public sector financing tools to unlock private sector investment that will expand infrastructure, agribusiness, and trade.

Tomorrow, I’ll have an opportunity to meet with AU Chairman Faki to discuss the partnership between the United States and the African Union.  We’ll talk about how the United States can help the AU realize its Agenda 2063 to build an integrated, prosperous, and peaceful Africa.  And how the United States can best support the AU’s regional economic integration goals as the African Continental Free Trade Area gets up and running.  And this is something that’s going to make a huge difference as African economies become increasingly integrated, that will increase trade and investment among them, but it will also attract even more investment and trade outside of Africa.  We have had to date in Africa the abnormal situation where African countries are doing more trade and investment with countries outside of the continent than they do among themselves.  When the free trade area gets up and running, that will change and I think it will be a very powerful tool for economic growth.  I’ll also convey our continued support for African representation in multilateral institutions, to include the United Nations Security Council and the G20.

African-led solutions are increasingly making the difference on the challenges of the 21st century.  One of the most powerful testaments to the importance of African leadership has been the November 2nd Cessation of Hostilities Agreement to end the conflict and suffering in northern Ethiopia.

The conflict was absolutely devastating.  Hundreds of thousands killed.  Widespread sexual violence against women.  Millions forced to flee their homes.  Many left in need of food and shelter, medicine.  Hospitals, schools, and businesses were shelled and destroyed.

The Cessation of Hostilities Agreement is a major achievement and step forward, saving lives and changing lives.  The guns are silent.

As the fighting has stopped, human rights violations declined.  Humanitarian assistance is flowing, finally reaching nearly all communities in need, services are being restored in the Tigray Region, the TPLF is disarming, Eritrean and other non-federal forces are departing.  The dedicated diplomacy of the mediators from the African Union, from Kenya, from South Africa, supported by the United States, was essential to securing this agreement.  And the AU monitoring mechanism is a key to its full implementation.

Prime Minister Abiy and the Ethiopian federal government and Tigrayan regional leaders should be commended for reaching this agreement and the significant progress in delivering on their commitments.  These efforts have created the foundation to rebuild the communities that have suffered so in Tigray, Amhara, and the Afar regions.  They need the help and support.

I strongly urged the inclusion as well of women in decision-making roles as the agreement is implemented – especially in light of gender-based violence that was perpetrated during the conflict.

Today, I first met with Prime Minister Abiy, and then with the signatories to the agreement – the heads of delegation of the Government of Ethiopia and the TPLF – to underscore our support for peace as well as the dividends it can yield.  And those dividends are important.  People need to see that peace brings concrete dividends in their lives.  That starts, of course, with the cessation of violence, but we want to build positive things on top of that.

We welcome the commitments that the parties have made to acknowledging the atrocities committed and their devastating consequences.  For our part, the United States acknowledges the human rights violations and repression committed during the past three decades – actions which sowed the seeds of future conflict.  We and others were insufficiently vocal about those abuses in the past.

Recognizing the atrocities committed by all parties is an essential step to achieving a sustainable peace.  We urge Ethiopians to follow through on their commitments to each other to implement an inclusive and comprehensive transitional justice process that includes both reconciliation and accountability.  Overcoming poisonous grievances and ethnic divisions is the only way to break the cycle of political and ethnic violence in the north, in Oromia, or anywhere else.  As a partner in that effort, the United States is providing both technical and financial support.

Building lasting peace is being made more complicated by the acute economic challenges that Ethiopia faces resulting from the conflict, resulting from drought, resulting from food insecurity.

As I conveyed to Prime Minister Abiy, the United States – as Ethiopia’s largest bilateral donor, providing over $3 billion in humanitarian assistance since 2020 – we will continue to be there for Ethiopians.

We’ll keep partnering on food security.  Today I announced an additional $331 million in emergency food and humanitarian assistance that will reach millions of people, millions of Ethiopians affected by conflict, affected by drought.

We’ll keep working together on public health, building on our many years of partnership to combat HIV/AIDS, and continue to tackle the COVID-19 pandemic and ensure that we’re all prepared for future pandemics.

We’ll continue to support Ethiopia’s economic development, investing hundreds of millions in health, economic growth, education, democracy, and food security every year.

And we’ll continue to support migrants and refugees, and victims of human rights abuse.

In all (inaudible), our mission is to build a strong partnership between the United States and Ethiopia that ensures we can meet the aspirations of (inaudible).

So I look forward to an important week of engagement with our partners on the continent, including the engagements that we had today, building on a stretch of high-level visits from the administration since the Africa Leaders Summit: Treasury Secretary Yellen, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield, First Lady Dr. Biden, and soon Vice President Harris, as she visits Ghana, Tanzania, and Zambia later this month.

So with that, happy to take some questions.

MR PATEL:  We’ll first go to Daphne Psaledakis with Reuters.

QUESTION:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary.  There’s been reports of continued atrocities since the November ceasefire.  Eritrean troops still remain in border areas, and Fano Amhara militia still remain in western Tigray.  Are you concerned that (inaudible)?  It’s not working.

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  I got you.

QUESTION:  Okay.  Are you concerned that reported continued rapes and the presence of these troops could impede an effective implementation of the deal?  And what do you need to see from Ethiopia in terms of addressing accusations of atrocities during the conflict to reinstate AGOA trade benefits?

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you very much.  As I said, what we’ve seen since the agreement was reached (inaudible) has been very significant progress on all the necessary lines of effort and necessary commitments, and by and large the guns are silent, humanitarian assistance is flowing, services are being restored.  We’ve seen the TPLF disarm its heavy weapons.  And we are seeing external forces moving out of Tigray, to include the Eritreans.  It’s not a – it’s not complete.  It’s a process.  But we continue to see significant movement in the right direction to fulfilling the commitments that were made in the agreement.

As to human rights concerns and abuses, I just had an opportunity to meet with human rights advocates and experts a short while ago here in Addis, and these are people who are themselves present or their organizations are present in Tigray, and this includes the United Nations.  And what they reported to me is a very significant drop in human rights violations and abuses in Tigray.  We’ve also heard that from other sources.  That doesn’t mean that they’ve been eliminated, and indeed, we are – we strongly urge all parties to the conflict to do everything possible to ensure that they cease entirely.  But again, we’ve seen what was described to me by independent experts as a very significant diminution in human rights violations.

With regard to our own engagement and assistance as the work continues, as this process of implementing the agreement continues, to include making sure that there are no ongoing, proceeding violations of human rights, to include making sure that the transitional justice process is stood up and moving forward in an inclusive and credible way, then our own ability to continue to move forward on our engagement with Ethiopia – to include economic engagement – will also move forward.

MR PATEL:  Let’s next go to Million Beyene with The Addis Standard.

QUESTION:  Thank you very much.  Recently (inaudible) and that is the State Department has shelved a (inaudible) designating violent human rights violations in Tigray as genocide, and why is that shelved?  And is there any (inaudible)?  Thank you very much.

And (inaudible) campaign to (inaudible)?  And will they discuss (inaudible) principles?  I mean for the human rights and protect the UN investigation, the UN investigator’s office (inaudible).  Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  I appreciate it.  Let me make sure I got your question correct (inaudible).  I think I did.

First, let me be clear that the United States, first of all, has regularly spoken out about human rights violations and abuses committed against civilians and has called for accountability for those responsible.  A year ago I addressed this myself when I said that all parties to the conflict had committed atrocities.  Significantly, the signatories to the cessation of hostilities agreement acknowledged the atrocities committed and the devastating impact that they’ve had.  And as I’ve said, we’re very focused on making sure that that’s stopped and ceases.

The reports that we have including just today from experts in the field show a very significant drop in human rights violations in Tigray.  That’s significant and important, but obviously we want to see it get to – as in anyplace else – get to zero and that all parties remain committed to not engaging in any kind of abuse.

Going forward, what’s very important is something else I mentioned: the commitment that exists to a process of transitional justice, and that includes both reconciliation and accountability.  And what I heard today from everyone I spoke to was a commitment to that process.  So we will be watching that as it moves forward, and this is something, again, that’s vital not just for us or for any other country.  It’s first and foremost vital to all Ethiopians, because having that kind of transitional justice, building reconciliation, though, and building accountability, is the only way, in our judgment, to make sure that the peace that’s been achieved in Tigray is sustained.  Getting at grievances, getting to justice, bringing people together – that is the way to make sure that peace lasts and that people can move on with their lives and the country can really move forward.  That’s what we’re looking at.  Thank you.

MR PATEL:  Let’s next go to Iain Marlow with Bloomberg.

QUESTION:  Thank you, Mr. Secretary.  I’m wondering if I can get your reaction – these are sort of two broader questions – wondering if I can get your reaction to the U.S.-Russia drone collision.  I’m just wondering what you make of Russia’s motives here, their statements about the U.S. being directly involved in combat operations and the Russians potentially wanting to retrieve the debris.  I’m just wondering if there’s a risk here that this widens the war further.

And second, just on the recent Iran-Saudi agreement that was brokered in part by China, do you view this as a sign of China sort of striding more confidently onto the diplomatic world stage sort of post-COVID isolation?  Is that – especially combined with their Ukraine peace proposal and the foreign minister’s recent comments about U.S. containment, is this a worry?  Is this sort of new posture a worry for the U.S.?  Thank you.

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  First, with regard to the drone, the incident is being investigated and we’ll look to that investigation to draw any conclusions about what the intent might be – might have been, what the actions were.  Of course, we’ll be in close coordination with allies and partners at the conclusion of the investigation.  I can’t speak at this point to the motive or to intent.  But what I can say very clearly is this was a reckless and unsafe action.  But we’ll let the investigation proceed.

With regard to the agreement reached between Saudi Arabia and Iran with China’s involvement, from our perspective, anything that can help reduce tensions, avoid conflict, and curb in any way dangerous or destabilizing actions by Iran is a good thing.  And as you know, in this particular case, the Saudis and the Iranians have been talking for some time going back a couple of years, including in Baghdad and in Oman.  And to the extent that China facilitated conclusion of this agreement to restore diplomatic relations, that’s a good thing.  And I think it’s valuable that countries, where they can, take action, take responsibility for advancing security, for advancing peaceful relations.  And if this agreement actually bears out, and particularly if Iran follows through on the commitments that it’s apparently made, again, that would be positive.

MR PATEL:  Final question, Bilal Abdulmalik, Ethiopian Press Agency.

QUESTION:  Thank you.  Many Ethiopians believe that U.S. decision to revoke Ethiopia’s privilege for AGOA is a politically motivated one.  And after such progress, the U.S. still hasn’t shown an interest to reverse the decision (inaudible).

SECRETARY BLINKEN:  Thank you.  So as you know, the United States suspended Ethiopia from the AGOA trade preference program effective January last year, 2022, due to gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.  And we did this as required by law.  It’s in law and we follow the law.  Ethiopia has clear benchmarks for a pathway toward reinstatement.  The administration will continue to work closely with the government to achieve that objective, which we share.  And as I noted earlier, with the cessation of hostilities agreement, and particularly with its implementation, that’s extremely important in moving down that path, and my hope and expectation is that will continue.

Just for your information, the AGOA program itself is actually administered by the U.S. Trade Representative, and what they do is they have an annual review that brings together other parts of our government, looking at the eligibility requirements.  But there will be that process.  We’ll participate.  We actually hosted a ministerial meeting of AGOA during the Africa Leaders Summit in December, and we’re very much looking forward to planning AGOA (inaudible) next year.

But the bottom line is certainly we share the aspiration of Ethiopia returning to AGOA.  And as it continues to implement the cessation of hostilities agreement, it will – it’s clearly moving in the right direction.

MR PATEL:  Thank you, everyone.  Thanks, everybody.

Monday, March 6, 2023

Foreign Interference and You.



Foreign Interference and You. 

What is Foreign Interference?

Foreign interference is deliberate and covert activity undertaken by a foreign state to advance its interests, often to the detriment of Canada’s. The CSIS Act describes Foreign-Influenced Activities, which is another term for Foreign Interference, as “activities within or relating to Canada that are detrimental to the interests of Canada and are clandestine or deceptive or involve a threat to any person”.

Foreign interference is distinct from normal diplomatic conduct or acceptable foreign state lobbying; it is purposely covert, malign, and deceptive. States cross a line anytime they go beyond diplomacy to conduct activities that attempt to threaten our citizens, residents and institutions, or to compromise our way of life, undermine our democratic processes, or damage our economic prosperity.

Foreign Interference Aims

Foreign governments engage in foreign interference activities in Canada and target Canadians to advance their interests, sometimes at our expense, in an effort to achieve geopolitical, economic, military and strategic advantage. They seek to sow discord, disrupt our economy, bias policy development and decision-making, and to influence public opinion. In many cases, clandestine influence operations are meant to support foreign political agendas or to deceptively influence the targeted country’s policies, officials, research institutions or democratic processes.

The National Security Threat

Foreign interference is a complex national security threat. It poses a significant threat to the integrity of our political systems, democratic processes, social cohesion, academic freedom, economic prosperity and challenges Canadians’ rights and freedoms. In short, and as described by the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians, foreign interference threatens the fundamental values of our country and our national security.

CSIS has observed and investigated multiple instances of foreign states targeting Canada and Canadian interests through the use of human intelligence operations, state-sponsored or foreign influenced media, and sophisticated cyber techniques. Traditional interference through human intelligence operations remains the greatest danger, but interference through hostile cyber activity is a growing concern.

Canada as Permissive Target

As an advanced economy and an open and free democracy, Canada has long been targeted by hostile states seeking to acquire information, intelligence and influence to advance their own interests. These activities pose strategic, long-term threats to Canada’s interests, jeopardize our future prosperity, and have a corrosive effect on our democratic processes and institutions.

The Committee believes that these states target Canada for a variety of reasons, but all seek to exploit the openness of our society and penetrate our fundamental institutions to meet their objectives. They target ethnocultural communities, seek to corrupt the political process, manipulate the media, and attempt to curate debate on postsecondary campuses. Each of these activities poses a significant risk to the rights and freedoms of Canadians and to the country’s sovereignty: they are a clear threat to the security of Canada.

(Source: Annual Report 2019, National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians, p. 77.)

Who and What is Targeted?

Canada’s fundamental institutions (e.g. academia, free press, democratic institutions), governance processes, and diverse Canadian communities are all active targets of foreign interference activities.

On university campuses, foreign states may seek to exert undue influence, covertly and through proxies, by harassing dissidents and suppressing academic freedoms and free speech that are not aligned with their political interests. Similarly, these actors may attempt to influence public opinion and debate in Canada through interference in our press or online media.

Elected and public officials across all levels of government, representing all political parties, are targeted: Members of Parliament, members of provincial legislatures, municipal officials and representatives of Indigenous governments. Public servants, Ministerial and political staff, and others with input into or influence over the public policy decision-making process are also attractive targets.

Hostile foreign actors also target the fabric of Canada’s multicultural society, seeking to influence Canadian communities, including through threats, manipulation and coercion. Some of these communities are vulnerable targets of foreign interference from states seeking to exploit them in various ways to advance the foreign state’s interests, sometimes to the detriment of Canadian values and freedoms.

Foreign Interference in Academia and Research

Foreign actors may seek to interfere in academia through a range of actions, such as:

  • covertly influencing research agendas or peer review processes
  • exerting economic pressure to achieve desired outcomes
  • introducing or obscuring conflicts of interest or military ties
  • recruiting researchers and staff for interference activities or talent programs, and
  • direct foreign investment or other legal funding arrangements where the objectives of the investment or details about the funding are deliberately obscured or misrepresented.

In trying to influence public debate at academic institutions, foreign states may sponsor specific events to shape discussion rather than engage in free debate and dialogue. They may also directly or indirectly attempt to disrupt public events or other on-campus activities they perceive as challenging their political positions and spread disinformation, undermining confidence in academic discourse and expertise.

Common Techniques

  • Foreign interference techniques or activities can include (but are not limited to): elicitation, cultivation, coercion, illicit financing, cyber attacks, intimidation and disinformation.
  • Elicitation results when a targeted person is manipulated into sharing valuable information through a casual conversation.
  • Cultivation is a technique of building long-lasting relationships with targeted persons to enable manipulation and facilitate threat activities.
  • Blackmail and threats are two of the most aggressive types of recruitment and coercion. Intimidation is also commonly used to silence dissent, including on university campuses, and to instill fear and compliance among various Canadian communities.
  • Threat actors can use individuals as a proxy to conduct illicit financing activities or to make a donation to a political party or candidate.
  • Cyber attacks such as spear-phishing can be used to introduce malware into your system as a means of collecting information to support foreign interference activities.
  • Disinformation can be used by foreign actors to influence public opinions, perceptions, decisions and behaviours. A growing number of states have built and deployed programs dedicated to undertaking online influence as part of their daily business. Adversaries use online influence campaigns to attempt to change civil discourse, policymakers’ choices, government relationships, and the reputation of politicians and countries both nationally and globally.

Online Influence 

A growing number of states have built and deployed programs dedicated to undertaking online influence as part of their daily business. Adversaries use online influence campaigns to attempt to change civil discourse, policymakers’ choices, government relationships, and the reputation of politicians and countries both nationally and globally. They try to delegitimize the concept of democracy and other values such as human rights and liberty, which may run contrary to their own ideological views. They also try to exacerbate existing friction in democratic societies around various divisive social, political, and economic issues. While online foreign influence activities tend to increase around elections, these ongoing campaigns have broadened in scope since 2018, expanding to react and adapt to current events, shifting their content strategies around trending news stories and popular political issues (Source: 2020 National Cyber Threat Assessment, Canadian Centre for Cyber Security). 

What Can You Do?

Individuals:

  • Be aware of the threat; increasing our collective resilience against foreign interference is a shared responsibility.
  • Do your due diligence before sharing information or entering into arrangements, know your partners and assess the risks of any partnership in advance.
  • Be cyber safe.
  • Remember to always verify the credibility of your information sources to ensure that you are receiving accurate information.
  • Report suspicious activities and any incidents of intimidation, harassment, coercion, or threats to CSIS or to your local law enforcement authorities.

Organizations:

  • Don’t be a permissive target for foreign interference. Protect yourself, your organization, your reputation and your work by being aware of the threat and doing your due diligence.
  • Develop policies, procedures and processes for dealing with instances of foreign interference. Make these public to ensure that potential threat actors are aware that you will not tolerate foreign interference activities.
  • Provide awareness materials or training on associated policies and procedures to all employees.
  • Inform any prospective partners, employees, and investors of your position and policies.
  • Protect your reputation by publicly affirming your values and ethics and describing measures and policies that you are taking to advance and protect them.
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Thursday, February 9, 2023

Ethiopia's prime minister wants Paris to investAfter the peace agreement that put an end to two years of bloody civil war in Tigray, Abiy Ahmed came to Paris to seek support to finance the reconstruction of infrastructure in northern Ethiopia.By Noé Hochet-Bodin (Nairobi (Kenya) correspondent)Published on February 8, 2023 at 20h10



AFRICA 
Ethiopia's prime minister wants Paris to invest
After the peace agreement that put an end to two years of bloody civil war in Tigray, Abiy Ahmed came to Paris to seek support to finance the reconstruction of infrastructure in northern Ethiopia.

By Noé Hochet-Bodin (Nairobi (Kenya) correspondent)

Published on February 8, 2023 at 20h10 
 
It would have been difficult to imagine, just a few months ago, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed being received by President Emmanuel Macron in the splendor of the Elysée Palace, so much had the image of the former Nobel Peace Prize winner deteriorated during the Tigray civil war, which ravaged northern Ethiopia for two years. The conflict in the province of six million people has left at least 600,000 people dead, according to estimates by the African Union. The United Nations, in several reports, has spoken of possible "war crimes" and "crimes against humanity" committed by the Ethiopian armed forces.

Ahmed, who was received at the Elysée Palace by the French president on Tuesday, February 7, was hoping to capitalize on the momentum created by the peace agreement signed between his government and the insurgents of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) on November 2, 2022, in Pretoria, South Africa. The agreement, which was welcomed by the international community, put an end to two years of hostilities.

The Ethiopian prime minister is now embarking on a vast diplomatic and economic reconquest operation. Before arriving in Paris, the Ethiopian leader went to Rome, where he obtained €182 million in aid from the government of Giorgia Meloni. After a long embrace on the steps of the Elysée Palace, Ahmed thanked, on Twitter, his "friend" Emmanuel Macron and said that "We very much welcome investments by French companies in Ethiopia."

Assessing needs
"The key phrase is 'normalization at all costs,'" said a European diplomat in Addis Ababa who believes that Western embassies are working to support "a peace agreement that has not yet been fully implemented." During a visit to the Ethiopian capital in January, French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna spoke of a "gradual re-engagement," announcing investments of €28 million by France to Ethiopia, for projects to rebuild electrical infrastructure and food security.

In a delicate economic environment, Africa's second most populous country needs the support of European partners to implement its recovery. Infrastructure, hospitals, roads, schools and universities in the north of the country have been ravaged by fighting. Olusegun Obasanjo, special envoy to the African Union for the Horn of Africa, estimates the total cost of rebuilding northern Ethiopia at €25 billion.

"France supports the return of peace to Ethiopia and stands by its side for economic reconstruction," wrote the Minister Delegate for Foreign Trade, Olivier Becht, on Twitter after a meeting with representatives of the Ethiopian Ministry of Finance on Tuesday. A delegation from the French Development Agency went to Tigray after the peace agreement to assess the needs there.

In Paris, Ahmed also wanted to make progress on another burning issue, that of Ethiopian debt. Suffocating from a lack of foreign currency, the country, which has a population of 115 million, has asked for debt relief under the common framework set up by the G20. Support from Paris would be welcome as France co-chairs, with China, the committee of Ethiopia's creditors.

But the Elysée finds itself walking on eggshells when it comes to normalizing its ties with Addis Ababa. The recent peace in Ethiopia remains fragile. "The problem for Paris is that [the French authorities] want to resume cooperation but [they] are wondering how to smooth out the edges on the subject of human rights," said a representative of a Western humanitarian organization in Addis Ababa. "They have to give credence to the transitional justice projects [after the war in Tigray] that at the moment exist in name only."

'The abuses continue'
Could political normalization come at the expense of transitional justice? Although the peace agreement signed in Pretoria between the warring parties provided for investigations into human rights violations, no concrete mechanism has yet been established. The scale of the abuses committed in Tigray is disturbing. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has denounced "acts of ethnic cleansing."

"Although a cessation of hostilities agreement has been signed (...), it is too early for business as usual," said Human Rights Watch's Horn of Africa Director Laetitia Bader. "Justice for war crimes in Ethiopia remains out of reach today and abuses continue," she said.

More recently, on September 7, 2022, the UN International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) found "that there are reasonable grounds to believe that violations such as extrajudicial killings, rape, sexual violence and starvation of the civilian population as a method of warfare have been committed in Ethiopia (...) and in several cases these violations constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity."

In response, the Ahmed government has merely convicted four federal soldiers of crimes and rapes. In addition, it has repeatedly tried and failed to withhold funding from the commission of experts in Geneva and also abruptly expelled the representative of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Sonny Onyegbula, in 2021.

These shortcomings could slow down the resumption of the full partnership between Paris and Addis Ababa, sealed during Macron's visit to Ethiopia in 2019. At the time, the two newly elected leaders, all smiles, had shown a perfect understanding.
A defense agreement was signed, in which the French army promised to train the Ethiopian navy. Suspended during the Tigray war in 2021, military cooperation was also on the agenda of the discussions between the two heads of state, with France in favor of resuming it, according to several military sources.

Tuesday, January 10, 2023

አማራ የኢትዮጵያዊነት ርዕዮተ ዓለም ስም ነው።




=> ኢትዮጵያ፡ ስለዐምሐራነት ስትፋረድ! <= ልብ ያለው ልብ ይበል የሚሰማ ጆሮ ያለው፡ መስማትን፡ ይስማ! 

(በንቡረ እድ ኤርምያስ ከበደ ወልደኢየሱስ)
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"ኢትዮጵያዊነት" ከሚለው ቃል ጋር፡ የጥሬ ዘርና የምሥጢር ÷ የዘይቤና የትርጉም ተዘምዶ ያላቸው፡ በዓለም ህዝቦችና ቋንቋዎች ዘንድ የታወቁ ፡ አንዳንድ ይፋ ቃላት አሉ፡፡  ከእነዚህ መካከል፡ ... "ዐምሐራነት"  የሚለው የውህደት ስም አንዱ ነው፡፡ ከ"ኢትዮጵያ" ጋር የተዛምዶ ግንኙነት አላቸዉ ከተባሉት ቃላት መካከል፣ በመጨረሻ የተወሳው፡ "ዐምሐራ" የሚለው መጠሪያ ቃል፡ ለተነሣንበት አርእስት፡ የበለጠ አግባብነት አለው፡፡

የዚህም መክንያት፣ ኢትዮጵያ የቆመችለትን እምነት የሚጻረሩ አንዳንድ ባዕዳንና የአገር ተወላጆች፡ በዛሬው ዘመን ÷ በቅርቡም፡ እስካለፈው ምዕት ዓመት ድረስ፡ በሕዝቡና በአገሪቱ ላይ ሊጭኑ ያቀዱትን፡ የየራሳቸውን የገዢነት ቀምበርና የግል ፍላጎታቸዉን ዓላማ እዉን ለማድረግ ሲሉ፡ ስለዚሁ፡ "ዐምሐራ" ስለሚለው አገር-አቀፍ ስያሜ፡ ኾን ብለዉ የፈጠሩት፡ እጅግ የረቀቀ÷ የስሕተትና የቅራኔ ትርጓሜ ስላለ ነዉ፡፡  ስለዚህ፡ እዚህ ላይ የተለየ ትኲረት ተሰጥቶት፡ የቃሉን ምንጭና እዉነተኛ ትርጉም በሚመለከት፡ በቂ መስረጃዎችን ከማቅረብ ጋር፡ አጠር፡ ባለ ሐተታ፡ ስለቃሉ ዓቢይ ቁም ነገር፡ መተንተንና ማብራራት፡ ግዴታ ይኾናል፡፡ "ዐምሐራ" የሚለዉ ቃል፡ መልእክትና ትርጉም ባለው ምክንያት፡ በኢትዮጵያ ምድር ለሚኖረው፡ ለአብዛኛው የአገሪቱ ነባር ሕዝብ የተሰጠ ትዉፊታዊ ስያሜ ነዉ፡፡

ቃሉ፡ ከግእዝ ተገኝቷል፡፡ በግእዝ፡ "ዐም" ማለት፡ "ሕዝብ" ÷ "ሐራ" ማለት ደግሞ፡ "ነጻ" ማለት ነዉ፡፡ ስለዚህ "ዐምሐራ" የሚለው ስያሜ፡ የቃል ለቃል ትርጉሙ፡ "ነጻ ሕዝብ" ማለት ሲኾን፡ ይህም ትርጉም፡ የእዉነተኛ ኢትዮጵያዊን ማንነት ከሚገልጹት ዓበይት ባሕርያት መካከል፡ አንዱ መኾኑን በግልጽ ያመለክታል፡፡ ግእዝ፡ ራሱን የቻለ፡ ፊደል ያለዉ፡ የኢትዮጵያዉያን፡ የመጀመርያዉ እናት ቋንቋቸው መኾኑ፡ በዓለም ሕዝቦች ዘንድ ሳይቀር፡ በይፋ የታኸቀ ነው፡፡ (ግእዝ፡ በዓለም ተመሳሳይና ወደር የሌለው ÷ ራሱን የቻለና የራሱ የኾነ ፊደል ያለዉ፡ የኢትዮጵያዉያን፡ መሠረታዊ (ግንድ) ቋንቋቸው ነዉ፡፡ ባሁኑ ጊዜ፡ በተወሰኑ የሕዝቡ ወገኖች ዘንድ መነጋገሪያ ልሳናቸው÷ በመላው ሕዝቡ ዘንድ ግን፡ የሃይማኖትና የአምልኮ ቋንቋቸው አድርገው የሚጠቀሙበት ሲኾን፡ የማንነታቸው መታወቂያ ለኾነዉ ለቅዱሱ ኪዳን ዉርሳቸዉ መዘገብ÷ በእርሱ ላይ ለተመሠረተው የትምህርት እና የእውቀት ፈለጋቸዉ ደግሞ፡ የማያቋርጥ ምንጫቸው ኾኖ ኖርዋል፡ ዛሬም ይገኛል፡፡

የስሙ ትርጓሜ እንደሚያመለክተውና እዉነተኞች የቋንቋ ሊቃዉንት እንዳረጋገጡት፡ አዳምና ሔዋን ይነጋገሩበት የነበረዉ፡ ቀዳማዊዉ፡ የቅዱሱ ኪዳን ልሳን መኾኑ ስለታመነበት፡ ዕድሜው፡ ወደኋላ፡ ወደመጀመሪያው ዓመተ ዓለም ዘልቆ የሚኼድ ኾናል፡፡ የዐምሐራዉ ኅበረተሰብ፡ መነጋገሪያዉ ያደረገው ቋንቋ፡ "ዐምሐርኛ" ተብሏል፡፡ የዚህ ኀብረተሰብ፡ የቃል ብቻ ሳይኾን፡ የጽሕፈት መገናኛዉ ጭምር የኾነዉ፡ ይህ ልሳን፡ ግንዱ፡ ግእዝ ቢኾንም፡ በጋብቻና በልደት እንደተዋሃደዉ፡ እንደቋንቋዉ ባለቤት ኹሉ፡ ዐምሐርኛም፡ ብሔር-አቀፍ ኾኖ፡ በአገሪቱ ዉስጥ በሚነገሩት፡ አያሌና የተለያዩ በኾኑ ልሳናት፡ ራሱን ሲያበለጽግ የኖረ ቋንቋ መኾኑ፡ የቃላቱ ቤተ መዛግብት ያረጋግጣል ፡፡

"ዐምሐራ" የሚለው ስም፡ ለምሳሌ ፡ አገዉ÷ አርጎባ÷ አፋር ÷ ኦሮሞ÷ ጉራጌ÷ ጋፋት÷ ሐዲያ÷ ወላይታ÷ ከምባታ÷ ኲናማ÷ ወይም ትግሬ እንደሚባሉት፡ በየጎጣቸዉና በየክልላቸው÷ በየእምነታቸውና በየቋንቋቸዉ፡ ተለያይተዉና ተወስነዉ፡ በየስማቸዉ እንደሚታወቁት ብሔሮች÷ ወይም፡ ሴማዉያን÷ ካማውያንና ያፌታዉያን ተብለው፡ በመላዋ ምድር ተሠራጭተው እንደሚኖሩት፡ እንደሥስቱ የሰዉ ዘር፡ የትውልድ ቅርንጫፎች፡ ይህም ኅብረተሰብ፡ "አንድ ነጠላ ጎሣ ወይም ነገድ ነዉ" ተብሎ፡ ለእርሱ፡ መለያና መታወቂያ ይኾን ዘንድ የተሰጠ ስያሜ አይደለም፡፡ በሌላ አገላለጽ፡ ዐምሐራ፡ የአንድ ጎሣ ወይም የአንድ ነገድ ወይም የአንድ ዘር ወገን አይደለም ማለት ነው፡፡ የቃሉ ፍቺ እንደሚያመለክተዉ፡ ዐምሐራ፡ በኢትዮጵያ ምድር የሠፈሩ÷ ከተለያዩ ጎሣዎች÷ ነገዶች÷ ዘሮች÷ ቋንቋዎች÷ ባህሎች እና/ወይም ሃይማኖቶች የተዉጣጡ ወንዶችና ሴቶች፡ እርስ በርሳቸው በመጋባት፡ በሥጋ፡ አንድ የኾኑበት ህልውና ነዉ፤ በመንፈስም፡ ቀድሞ፡ በኪዳነ ልቦና÷ ቀጥሎ፡ በኪዳነ ኦሪት÷ በመጨረሻ፡ በኪዳነ ምሕረት ፡ የክርስትና ተዋህዶ ሃይማኖት፡ ከእግዚአብሔር በመወለድ፡ ሥጋቸዉና ነፍሳቸዉ÷ እነርሱም፡ ኹላቸዉ፡ በአንዱ መንፈስ ቅዱስ፡ ፍጹም አንድ የኾኑበት ሕይወት ነዉ፤ በአጠቃላይ፡ "ኢትዮጵያዊነት" የተባለዉን፡ ዘለዓለማዊ የህልውና ዓላማ፡ በሕያዉነት ከግብ ለማድረስ፡ መለኮታዊዉን ጥሪ፡ በፍቃዳቸው ተቀብለው፡ ለእርሱ፡ በጋራ፡ ቃል ኪዳን የገቡና ለሰውም ኾነ ለዲያብሎስ ተገዢ ከመኾን ነጻ ወጥተው፡ በእግዚአብሔር ሕገ መንግሥት፡ በእኩልነት ፍትሕ በመመራት እየተዳደሩ፡ እንደአንድ ቤተሰብ የሚኖሩበት ሥርዓተ ሀገር ነዉ፡፡

ዐምሐራዉ፡ ከላይ እንደተገለጸዉ፡ የእንያ፡ እያንዳንዳቸው፡ የየግላቸዉን ብሔረኝነትና ጎሠኛነት÷ አምልኮና ልሳን በፈቃዳቸው ትተዉ፡ ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ከፍጹም ኹለንተናዉ ጋር፡ በፈቃዳቸውና በሃይማኖት የተቀበሉ፡ የኢትዮጵያ ጥንታዉያን ባላገሮች ኅብረተሰብ ስለኾነ፡ ቀጥሎ ባለዉ ሐተታ እንደሚብራራዉ፡ ይህ ኅብረተሰብ፡ እውነተኛው ኢትየጵያዊ ኾኖ ለመገኘት በቅቷል፡፡ እንግዲህ፡ ማንኛዉም ግለሰብ፡ ወንድ ኾነ ሴት፡ በዚህ ኢትዮጵያዊነት አምኖ፡ የዚህ ኅብረተሰብ አባል ለመኾን፡ በፍጹም ነጻነት ፈቃደኛ ሲኾን፡ የሚፈጸምለት ሥርዓት አለ፤ ይኸዉም፡ ከመንፈስ ቅዱስ በመወለድ፡ በእግዚአብሔር መንግሥት ዉስጥ፡ ለአዲሱ ኪዳን ማኅበራዊ ሕይወት የሚያበቃዉን ጸጋ የሚጎናጸፍበት ልዩ ሥርዓት ነው፤ እርሱም፡ በሃይማኖት እዉቀት÷ በእዉነተኛ ንስሓ÷ በክርስትና ጥምቀትና በቅዱስ ቁርባን ምሥጢራት ይፈጸማል፡፡ ለዚያ ግለሰብ፡ይህ ሥርዓት እንደተፈጸመለት "ዐምሐራ ኾነ!" ይባላል፤ "ክርስቲያን ኾነ!" ወይም "ኢትዮጵያዊ ኾነ!" ማለት ነዉ፡፡ "ዐምሐራነት"፡ ኋላ፡ በሥጋ ጋብቻ ጭምር እስኪዋሃዱበት ድረስ፡ በቅድሚያ፡ እንዲህ በመንፈስ የሚወለዱበት ስለ ኾነ፡ ጎሣ ወይም ብሔር አለመኾኑ፡ በዚህ ይታወቃል፡፡ በዚህ ጊዜ፡ ያግሰብ፡ ኢትዮጵያዊነት፡ በሚያስተማምን ቃል ኪዳን፡ ለዘለዓለም የሚያጎናፅፈውን፡ ያን፡ በመለኮታዊ ጸጋ የተገኘውን ሰብአዊ ነጻነት እንዳይቀዳጅ፡ ከልክሎት ከኖረዉ፡ ከጠባብ ብሔረኝነትና ከጎሠኝነት÷ ከቋንቋና አምልኮ ባዕድ ቁራኝነት÷ ከአጓጉል አስተሳሰብም ቀምበር ተላቅቆ፡ የእውቀት ብርሃን የወጣለትና የነጻነትን አክሊል የተቀዳጀው ኅብረተሰብ አባል ለመኾን የበቃ የይኾናል፡፡

ይህ "ዐምሐራ" የመኾን ምሥጢር፡ "ኢትዮጵያዊ" ከመኾን ጋር የሚመሳሰልና እንደ "ኢትዮጵያዊነት" ኸሉ፡ ያልተቋረጠ ትንግርታዊ ሂደት ያለዉ ኾኖ ኖርዋል፡፡ "ዐምሐራ ኾነ!" ማለት፡ ከላይ እንደተወሳዉ፡ " ኢትዮጵያዊ ኾነ" እንደማለት ብቻ ማለት ሳይኾን፡ በአሁኑ ግዜ፡ በፍጥረተ ዓለሙ ዘንድ፡ በይበልጥ እውቅና እንዳገኘዉና በመጨረሻው ዘመን፡ የሰውን ዘር እንደገና አዋህዶ፡ ፈጹም አንድ እንደሚያደርገው ፡ እንደ አዲስ ኪዳኑ ስያሜ "ክርስቲያን ኾነ" ማለትም ነዉ፡፡ በዚህ መሠረት፡ ዐይነተኛዉ ማለት አማናዊው (እውነተኛው) የዐምሐራዉ ኅብረተሰብ፡ ኢትዮጵያ፡ በእግዚአብሔር መንግሥትነት ሥር ተዋህዳ የኖረች፡ የማትከፋፈል፡ አንዲት አካል መኾኗን በማመን፡ በጎሣ ወይም በዘር መለያየትን የሚቃወም በመኾኑ ነው፡፡ እንዲያዉም፡ ኢትዮጵያዊነት፡ ከዚህ የበለጠ፡ የመጠቀና የጠለቀ÷ የሰፋም ባሕሪ አለዉ፤ ይኸውም፡ ለኢትዮጵያ፡ አንዱሁም፡ ላለፉትና ለዛሬዎቹ÷ ለወደፊቶቹም ኢትየጵያዊያንና ኢትዮጵያዊያት ብቻ ተለይቶና ተወስኖ የተሰጠ÷ እየተሰጠ ያለና የሚሰጥም አለመኾኑ ነው፤ ነገር ግን፡ በዘመነ ሐዲስ ኪዳን፡ ሞክሼዉ (መሰሉ) አንደኾነዉ፡ እንደ ክርስቲያንነት ኹሉ የሰዉ ዘር በመላ ተጠቃልሎና በመለኮታዊዉ መንግሥት ሥር ተዋህዶ፡ አንድ እንዲኾንበት፡ አግዚአብሔር አምላክ፡ ለፍጥረተዓለሙ ደህንነትና መልካም ሕይወት፡ አዘጋጅቶ የዘረጋዉ ዘላለማዊ ዕቅድ ነው እንጂ፡፡ ይህም፡ በምድር ላይ ላለው፡ ለሰው ልጆች ችግር ኹሉ፡ የመጨረሻዉ መፍትሔ አንደሚኾን ይታመናል፡፡ ከዚህ የተነሣ፡ ባንድ ወገን፡ "መላዉ ዐማራ" በሚል ስያሜ የተቋቋመው ድርጅት፡ በዉስጡ፡ "ዐማራ" ከሚያሰኘዉ፡ ከቅዱሱ ኪዳን ተዋህዶ ሃይማኖት ዉጪ የኾኑትን ግለሰቦች ጭምር፡ በአባልነት አጠቃልሎ እንዲይዝ በማድረግ÷ በሌላው ወገን ደግሞ፡ በአገር- አቀፍ ደረጃ፡ "የዐ(አ)ማራው ክልል " በሚል ዕቅድ፡ የተጀመረውን የመከፋፈል ዓላማ ከግብ ለማድረስ በመሞከር፡ የሚፈጸመው ድርጊት፡ በየመልኩ ሊወገዝ የይገባዋል፡፡ ምክንያቱም፡ ይህ፡ በኹለቱ ወገኖች የሚፈጸመው ድርጊት፡ ዐምሐራን፡ ከመሠረታዊው፡ የኢትዮጵዊነት ባሕርዩ አዉጥተዉ፡ እንደጎሣ ለማስቆጠር፡ የኢትዮጵያ የደም ጠላቶች በሚያውጠነጥኑት ሴራና በሚያካኼዱት ዘመቻ ውስጥ ተባባሪ÷ ደጋፊና መሣሪያ መኾንን፡ በግልጽ አረጋግጦ የሚያሣይ፡ የክህደትና የዓመፅ ተግባር በመኾኑ ነው፡፡

ስለዚህ "ዐምሐራ"፡ ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ሕያው ለማድረግ፡ ለመጠበቅና ለማስፋፋት፡ ቃል ኪዳን የገባ "ክርስቲያን" ማለት ስለኾነ ከላይ የተመለከተውን፡ በድርጅቱም ኾነ በብሔራዊው ደረጃ የሚታየውን የተዛባ አሠራር፡ ጉዳዩ የሚመለከታቸዉ ወገኖቼ ኹሉ፡ በብርቱ አስበውበት፡ እራሳቸውን በንሰሓ÷ ድርጊታቸውንም፡ በእውነተኛ ኢትዮጵያዊነት ማስተካከልና ማብቃት ይኖርባቸዋል፡፡

✞ ✞ ✞ ✞ ✞ ✞ ✞

በንቡረ እድ ኤርምያስ ከበደ ወልደኢየሱስ

Tuesday, December 6, 2022

Letter


Dear: The Honourable Mona Fortie , MP -Ottawa-Vanier, 
President of the Treasury Board of Canada. 

My name is HABTAMU NINI ABINO and I am one of your constituents in Ottawa-Vanier Riding area, I am writing to you regarding the increasingly dire situation for Oromo Civilians throughout the Oromia Regional State of Ethiopia, particularly in light of recent drone attack and attacks against civilians perpetrated by  Amhara Militia.
There have recently been reports of an escalation of violent attacks being carried out by the Amhara militia group Known as Fano throughout Western Oromia,Angergutin and Kiramu districts of East Wollega Zone, the East Shewa Zone, and in Horo-Guduru wollega zone,where a video showing several members of Fano Speaking in front of the decapitated heads of individuals from Jardega Jarte began circulating online.
On December 3 ,2022, Jawar Mohammed the Executive committee member of the Oromo Federalist Congress party(the leading Oromo Opposition party),tweeted that 350 people had massacred  and 4ooK
Had been displaced in the past 48 hours due to this violence.
Over the past few weeks, there have been also multiple reports of drone attacks throughout Western Oromia Regional State. These drone attacks have been reported most frequently in the West Wollega,,West Shewa and North Shewa Zones, leading to the death of Civilians. In one of these attacks which took place on November 2,2022, a witness told AP News that dozens of people had been killed and hundreds were Injured in the District of Bila, Western  Wollega zone. Most recently, I have heard reports of drone attack in the Wora- Jarso district of   North Shewa Zone on December 2nd, leading to the death of 80 civilians and airstrikes  in Sassiga,East Wollega Zone on December  4th. Social media reports have been circulating about airstrike in the districts of Begi,Gidami and Togo  in West Wollega and Kellem Wollega Zones on December 5th.

Background of Oromo struggle: 

Taking into account the history of oppression of the Oromo in Ethiopia and numerous reports by rights groups of attacks against the community – is that the violence in Oromia is mainly driven by the federal government and its agents.

The Oromo Liberation Army is responding to state terrorism and gross human rights violations. Oromo voices are not represented in the Ethiopian government, the global system or the media. The federal government and its allies, particularly Amhara elites and forces, blame the Oromo movement for the violence.

This is a strategy to delegitimise the Oromo struggle for self-determination. The Oromo consider themselves a nation. They are estimated to make up between 35% and 50% of Ethiopia’s 115 million people. An exact figure is difficult to come by as the government doesn’t provide this data.

Ethiopia has about 80 ethnonational groups. The Amhara make up about 27% of the population. Their language, culture, history and religion have dominated other ethno-national groups. Their warlords and leaders have dominated Ethiopia’s political economy for almost 150 years.

Despite their numbers, the Oromo consider themselves colonial subjects. This is because, like other subjugated ethno-national groups, they have been denied access to their country’s political, economic and cultural resources. Habasha (Amhara-Tigray) warlords colonised Oromia.

The region was then incorporated into Abyssinia (the Ethiopian Empire) in the late 19th century. Menelik II, the Ethiopian emperor, established a form of colonialism that settled Amhara, Tigrayan and other ethnic soldiers in Oromia. Most Oromos were reduced to serfs, providing free labour and tax revenue.

The colonial government claimed about three-quarters of Oromo lands for its officials and soldiers. It granted the remaining quarter to Oromo collaborators. In the 1970s, to oppose political, economic and cultural marginalisation, Oromo nationalists created the Oromo Liberation Front.

Its military wing is the Oromo Liberation Army. They wanted national democracy and self-determination, and participated in the failed revolutions of 1974, 1991 and 2018.

The Ethiopian state has continued to subject the Oromo people to violence and human rights violations. Successive Ethiopian governments have caused deep social, political, cultural and economic crises in Oromo society.

The government and the Oromo Liberation Front have blamed each other for the latest outbreak of violence in Oromia, particularly in Wallaga. A sub-group of the Oromo, the Macha, live in Wallaga. They have been targets of the Ethiopian government and expansionist Amharas, who claim to be the original owners of the region.

During the famine of the 1970s, desperate Tigrayans, Amharas and Oromos from elsewhere settled in Wallaga. Amhara expansionists began to call all these people Amharas to justify their claim to the territory. Prime Minister Ahmed has taken the side of Amhara expansionists.

Ahmed came to power in 2018 mainly because of the Oromo struggle but later turned against the movement. His vision is of a centralised state rather than self-determination for Ethiopia’s different groups.

The state’s ideology of “Ethiopianism” has been used to justify the subordination of the Oromo and other colonised peoples. It has empowered the class that dominates the bureaucracy, army, culture, Orthodox Christianity and Ethiopian colonial-political economy.

The Oromo Liberation Army, which has been outlawed and labelled a terror group, asserts that the government has created a clandestine security structure that masquerades as the Oromo army. It says this structure is responsible for the latest attack and those before it.

Between December 2018 and December 2019, in southern Oromia, government soldiers displaced 80 000 Oromos and detained more than 10000. An Amnesty International report found that state soldiers executed 52 people over this period on suspicion that they supported the Oromo Liberation Army.

The government additionally took incarcerated Oromos through mandatory training for several months. These detainees were trained on the constitution and the history of the Oromo people. These “lessons” were intended to get the detainees to abandon the quest for nationalism.

A July 2022 Human Rights Watch report termed the government’s actions in western Oromia “abusive”. It documented communication shutdowns, executions and arbitrary detentions. The global community must pressure the Ethiopian government to reach peace with the Oromo Liberation Army. However, this will only be successful if a neutral body mediates on behalf of the UN.

Ahmed’s government is willing to negotiate with the Tigrayan defence forces mainly because of the pressure from global powers. However, it refuses to reconcile with the Oromo Liberation Front and is determined to solve a political problem militarily.

Ethiopia cannot be at peace without an independent reconciliation body that solves the Oromo political problem fairly and democratically

I know that the Canadian government, the Right Honorable prime Minister Justin Trudeau has communicated and Urged in Calling the Ethiopian government to peacefully resolve Conflicts in the Northern Ethiopia. But in my Opinion, failure by international community including our government to Condemn drone attacks and other attacks against Oromo Civilians will only Serve to heighten conflict and tension throughout the country,
Therefore, I respectfully urge you and the Canadian Government to publicly condemn attacks against Oromo Civilians in recent weeks, by all parties. I also ask you that call on Ethiopian government to seek peaceful means to address conflicts throughout Ethiopia, as it has done with the TPLF in Northern Ethiopia.
The issue is very important to me, and I thank you for your Consideration.

Sincerely,
HABTAMU NINI ABINO
OTTAWA- VANIER Constituency.
 

Monday, December 5, 2022

First Tigray, now violence escalates in Oromia

First Tigray, now violence escalates in Oromia

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has been under increasing global pressure to negotiate with Tigrayan officials to stop the carnage in the region, says the writer. Picture: Eduardo Soteras/AFP

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has been under increasing global pressure to negotiate with Tigrayan officials to stop the carnage in the region, says the writer. Picture: Eduardo Soteras/AFP

Published Jul 23, 2022


 By :Asafa Jalata

In November 2020 an outbreak of violence in Ethiopia’s Tigray region captured worldwide attention. The conflict was between Tigrayan forces and the forces of the Ethiopian government and its allies.

Since then, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has been under increasing global pressure to negotiate with Tigrayan officials to stop the carnage in the region. Even before fighting broke out in Tigray, though, the government had established military command posts in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest state. Oromo people were protesting and calling for self-determination.

In Oromia’s latest wave of violence in June, Al Jazeera, the New York Times and Reuters reported that hundreds of people were killed by the Oromo Liberation Army in Wallaga. These news reports labelled all the victims Amharas, members of Ethiopia’s second-largest ethno-national group. The Oromo are the largest.

As a scholar of Ethiopian politics and society, I’ve researched and written extensively on the Oromo movement and identified the historical forces that have shaped its current politics. My understanding – taking into account the history of oppression of the Oromo in Ethiopia and numerous reports by rights groups of attacks against the community – is that the violence in Oromia is mainly driven by the federal government and its agents.

The Oromo Liberation Army is responding to state terrorism and gross human rights violations. Oromo voices are not represented in the Ethiopian government, the global system or the media. The federal government and its allies, particularly Amhara elites and forces, blame the Oromo movement for the violence.

This is a strategy to delegitimise the Oromo struggle for self-determination. The Oromo consider themselves a nation. They are estimated to make up between 35% and 50% of Ethiopia’s 115 million people. An exact figure is difficult to come by as the government doesn’t provide this data.

Ethiopia has about 80 ethnonational groups. The Amhara make up about 27% of the population. Their language, culture, history and religion have dominated other ethno-national groups. Their warlords and leaders have dominated Ethiopia’s political economy for almost 150 years.


Despite their numbers, the Oromo consider themselves colonial subjects. This is because, like other subjugated ethno-national groups, they have been denied access to their country’s political, economic and cultural resources. Habasha (Amhara-Tigray) warlords colonised Oromia.

The region was then incorporated into Abyssinia (the Ethiopian Empire) in the late 19th century. Menelik II, the Ethiopian emperor, established a form of colonialism that settled Amhara, Tigrayan and other ethnic soldiers in Oromia. Most Oromos were reduced to serfs, providing free labour and tax revenue.

The colonial government claimed about three-quarters of Oromo lands for its officials and soldiers. It granted the remaining quarter to Oromo collaborators. In the 1970s, to oppose political, economic and cultural marginalisation, Oromo nationalists created the Oromo Liberation Front.


Its military wing is the Oromo Liberation Army. They wanted national democracy and self-determination, and participated in the failed revolutions of 1974, 1991 and 2018.

The Ethiopian state has continued to subject the Oromo people to violence and human rights violations. Successive Ethiopian governments have caused deep social, political, cultural and economic crises in Oromo society.

The government and the Oromo Liberation Front have blamed each other for the latest outbreak of violence in Oromia, particularly in Wallaga. A sub-group of the Oromo, the Macha, live in Wallaga. They have been targets of the Ethiopian government and expansionist Amharas, who claim to be the original owners of the region.

During the famine of the 1970s, desperate Tigrayans, Amharas and Oromos from elsewhere settled in Wallaga. Amhara expansionists began to call all these people Amharas to justify their claim to the territory. Prime Minister Ahmed has taken the side of Amhara expansionists.

Ahmed came to power in 2018 mainly because of the Oromo struggle but later turned against the movement. His vision is of a centralised state rather than self-determination for Ethiopia’s different groups.

The state’s ideology of “Ethiopianism” has been used to justify the subordination of the Oromo and other colonised peoples. It has empowered the class that dominates the bureaucracy, army, culture, Orthodox Christianity and Ethiopian colonial-political economy.

The Oromo Liberation Army, which has been outlawed and labelled a terror group, asserts that the government has created a clandestine security structure that masquerades as the Oromo army. It says this structure is responsible for the latest attack and those before it.

Between December 2018 and December 2019, in southern Oromia, government soldiers displaced 80 000 Oromos and detained more than 10000. An Amnesty International report found that state soldiers executed 52 people over this period on suspicion that they supported the Oromo Liberation Army.

The government additionally took incarcerated Oromos through mandatory training for several months. These detainees were trained on the constitution and the history of the Oromo people. These “lessons” were intended to get the detainees to abandon the quest for nationalism.

A July 2022 Human Rights Watch report termed the government’s actions in western Oromia “abusive”. It documented communication shutdowns, executions and arbitrary detentions. The global community must pressure the Ethiopian government to reach peace with the Oromo Liberation Army. However, this will only be successful if a neutral body mediates on behalf of the UN.

Ahmed’s government is willing to negotiate with the Tigrayan defence forces mainly because of the pressure from global powers. However, it refuses to reconcile with the Oromo Liberation Front and is determined to solve a political problem militarily.

Ethiopia cannot be at peace without an independent reconciliation body that solves the Oromo political problem fairly and democratically.

* Jalata is professor of sociology and global and Africana studies at the University of Tennessee.

The article was first published in The Conversation.

The Conversation

 

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