Oromo Nationalism as a Sine Qua Non of Power Survival for the Prosperity Party“Don’t trust politicians. The issue of Oromo nationalism is the issue of survival.

Oromo Nationalism as a Sine Qua Non of Power Survival for the Prosperity Party

“Don’t trust politicians. The issue of Oromo nationalism is the issue of survival.”

Introduction

In the volatile terrain of Ethiopian politics, the Prosperity Party (PP) has tried to maintain a fragile balance among competing nationalisms, historical grievances, and federalist aspirations. Among these, Oromo nationalism stands out not merely as a political identity but as a sine qua non—a condition without which the very survival of the ruling party becomes impossible. This essay explores why Oromo nationalism is indispensable to the Prosperity Party’s existence, how it has been instrumentalised, suppressed, or co-opted, and why mistrust toward political actors—especially those within the ruling class—is warranted in the Oromo struggle for justice and self-determination.

Oromo Nationalism: A Historical Force of Resistance

Oromo nationalism emerged not from the luxury of ideology but from the necessity of survival. Rooted in centuries of cultural repression, political marginalisation, and territorial dispossession, the Oromo national struggle has fought to recognise Oromummaa—the Oromo people's identity, language, values, and historical agency. The formation of organisations such as the Macha Tulama Association, OLF, and later movements like Qeerroo reflect this enduring desire for self-rule and dignity.

The fall of the Derg and the rise of the EPRDF brought hopes of constitutional self-determination (especially Article 39), but reality betrayed expectation. The Oromo cause was subsumed into a federal structure that allowed administrative autonomy while suppressing political freedom.

The Prosperity Party: Inheritor of a Volatile Federal Bargain

The Prosperity Party, formed after the dissolution of the EPRDF coalition in 2019, inherited a contradictory legacy: it championed “unity” while relying heavily on ethnic legitimacy, particularly from Oromia, the country’s largest and most populous region. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who hails from Oromia, rose to power on the wave of Oromo protests and Qeerroo activism. Yet his administration soon turned against the forces that brought it to power.

From the assassination of Haacaaluu Hundeessaa to the mass imprisonment of Oromo leaders and the vilification of OLF and OLA, the PP revealed its true intentions: not to fulfil the Oromo national project but to manage and neutralise it. This betrayal has led many to rightly distrust politicians who weaponise identity for power while offering no substantive change.

Oromo Nationalism: The Sine Qua Non of PP’s Power Survival

Despite its repressive tendencies, the Prosperity Party cannot survive without Oromo nationalism for several reasons:

1. Demographic Weight: The Oromo comprise over 35% of the population. No party can claim democratic legitimacy or win national elections without their support or passive consent.

2. Geopolitical Centrality: Oromia geographically surrounds Addis Ababa and stretches from east to west, making it the geopolitical heart of Ethiopia. Instability in Oromia paralyses the country.

3. Narrative Control: By co-opting elements of Oromo nationalism (language, symbols, selective history), the Prosperity Party tries to project inclusive legitimacy at home and to international audiences.

4. Countering Amhara-Centric Unionism: To resist pressure from pan-Ethiopian and Amhara elites who seek to roll back multinational federalism, the PP uses Oromo nationalism as a counterbalance, even if hypocritically.

The Danger of Instrumentalisation

The Prosperity Party’s dependence on Oromo identity is not a genuine alliance but an instrumental survival. It uses selective inclusion to pacify Oromo grievances while suppressing genuine Oromo demands for autonomy, justice, and cultural renaissance. This explains the state's violent crackdown on Oromo youth, intellectuals, and liberation fronts.

This instrumentalisation weakens the Oromo cause from within and fuels disillusionment, cynicism, and justified mistrust of politicians, including those who speak Oromiffaa but act as guardians of the unitary state.

Conclusion: 

Trust the People, Not the Politicians

In today’s Ethiopia, Oromo nationalism is not a negotiable ideology—it is a necessity for existence. But that necessity is not limited to the Prosperity Party’s power calculus. For millions of Oromo, it is about cultural survival, historical justice, and national dignity. The PP may ride the wave of Oromummaa to stay in office, but its survival will remain fragile and morally bankrupt without respecting the full scope of the Oromo struggle.

The Oromo people must remain vigilant and discerning. As the saying goes, “Do not trust politicians. Trust only in your struggle, your history, and your unity.” The future belongs not to those who manipulate identity for power, but to those who transform it into liberation, equality, and genuine democracy.